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Now in a thoroughly revised, expanded, and updated edition, this classic text provides the most authoritative and current analysis available of contemporary Russia and the challenges facing Vladimir Putin and his successor, Dmitri Medvedev. Leading scholars discuss the social, political, and security issues that confronted Putin, as well as his successes and failures in dealing with them. The contributors conclude that Putin's influence will continue to be felt for years to come, not only because he remains powerful in his new post as prime minister, but because he laid the groundwork for dealing with the many problems still confronting Russia. Clearly written and organized, this text is an indispensable guide for anyone wanting to understand Russia today.

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This book examines federalism and regional and local politics in Russia. The book explores a wide range of issues related to these developments, including a comparative study of Russian federalism and local politics, ethnic federalism, the merging of federal units, regional governors, electoral and party reforms, and regional and local politics. It also includes case studies of local and regional politics in specific regions.


The book discusses how Vladimir Putin has re-asserted the power of the centre in Russia, and tightened the federal government's control of the regions. It shows how, contrary to his rhetoric about developing Russia as a free and democratic state, authoritarianism has been extended - through his reorganisation of the Federation Council, his usurpation of powers to dismiss regional assemblies and chief executives, and his creation of seven unelected super-governors.

Many commentators have alluded to the unique nature of Russia's dual transition and its difficult task of simultaneously reforming its economy and polity. But there is in fact a third transition under way in Russia that is of no less importance, the need to reconfigure central-local relations and to create a stable and viable form of federalism. Federal states are much more difficult to set up than unitary ones, and forging a new federal system at the same time as privatising the economy and trying to radically overhaul the political system has clearly made Russia's transition triply difficult.

It shows how, contrary to his rhetoric about developing Russia as a free and democratic state, authoritarianism has been extended - through his reorganisation of the Federation Council, his usurpation of powers to dismiss regional assemblies and chief executives, and his creation of seven unelected super-governors.

Table of Contents

1. Leviathan's Return: The Policy of Recentralization in Contemporary Russia - Vladimir Gel'man
2. Between a Rock and a Hard Place: the Russian Federation in Comparative Perspective - Michael Burgess
3. Federal Discourses, Minority Rights, and Conflict Transformation - Andreas Heinemann-Grder
4. Unification as a Political Project: the Case of Permskii Krai - Oksana Oracheva
5. Putin and the Election of Regional Governors - Darrell Slider
6. Electoral Reforms and Democratization: Russian Regional Elections 2002-6 - Aleksandr Kynev
7. Russian Political Parties and Regional Political Processes: The Problem of Effective Representation - Petr Panov
8. The Representation of Business Elites in Regional Politics: tatism, Elitism and Clientelism - Rostislav Turovsky
9. The Struggle for Power in the Urals - Elena Denezhkina and Adrian Campbell
10. Local Self-Government in Russia: Between Decentralization and Recentralization - Hellmut Wollmann and Elena Gritsenko
11. Russia's Elusive Pursuit of Balance in Local Government Reform - John F. Young
12. Vertical or Triangle? Local, Regional and Federal Government in the Russian Federation after Law 131 - Adrian Campbell
13. Municipal Elections and Electoral Authoritarianism under Putin - Cameron Ross

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This book examines the current state of relations between NATO and Russia, examining a number of key areas, and assesses the prospects for future development. It concludes that all parties have a powerful interest in building and maintaining security, and that the growth of the zone of democracy holds out the best hope for solving some of Russia's most seminal security concerns.

Since the end of the Cold War NATO has redefined its raison d'etre, extending its membership, broadening its political goals and widening its zone of operation. It has also sought to enhance its co-operation with Russia, for example through the NATO-Russia Council, though moves here have coincided with factors which make co-operation more difficult, such as growing uncertainty about the transition to democracy in Russia, a feeling among some people in Russia that NATO enlargement and the simultaneous diminution of Russia's influence were related, and, more recently, Russia's attempts to reassert its influence over its neighbouring states.

Contents
List of tables
List of contributors
Acknowledgements
Introduction
SECTION I
1 Electing to fi ght: emerging democracies and international instability - EDWARD D. MANSFIELD AND JACK SNYDER
2 Post-postcommunist Russia, the international environment and NATO - TIMOTHY J. COLTON
3 Russia, NATO enlargement and the strengthening of democracy in the European space - S. NEIL MACFARLANE
SECTION II
4 Enlargement and the perils of containment - AUREL BRAUN
5 NATO beyond Russia - STANLEY R. SLOAN
6 NATO enlargement and Russia - JEFFREY SIMON
SECTION III
7 NATO, the European Union, Russia and the fi ght against terrorism - PETER R. NEUMANN
8 Can Russia be a partner for NATO in the Middle East? - ROBERT O. FREEDMAN
9 Is East–West integration possible? - STEPHEN J. BLANK
Conclusion
Index

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In recent years, the Russian government, concerned about sustaining its economic performance, has sought to promote more diversified and broader economic growth beyond the profitable natural-resource sector. Economic officials would like to see something closer to a "knowledge-based economy". One of the areas in clear need of upgrading is the manufacturing sector. This book quantifies and benchmarks the relative strengths of that sector, identifying opportunities to increase Russian productivity and competitiveness.Drawing on original survey data from Russian firms of all sizes, the authors formulate proposals that aim to: enhance the innovative potential of Russian firms; upgrade the skills of their workforce; and develop a business-friendly climate of lower administrative costs and greater policy certainty. This book examines the underlying firm-level determinants of knowledge absorption, competitiveness, and productivity, with an eye to improving workers' skill levels and improving the investment climate, which should in turn enhance the innovation needed to keep up in a globalized economy. The original research and analysis of Desai, Goldberg, and their colleagues will be of use to anyone interested in the problems of building manufacturing competitiveness, especially in Russia and the post-Soviet transition economies. It will also be of interest to organizations planning to do business with Russia or to invest in it.

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Throughout the 1990s, Russian households experienced a dramatic fall in their traditional sources of subsistence: wages and social benefits. Many commentators have argued that households have adopted ‘survival strategies’ that enable them to make ends meet, particularly taking second jobs, growing their own food and calling on the help of family and friends.
This book reviews the available data to analyze the forms, scale and incidence of these phenomena. The author finds that so-called ‘survival strategies’ merely represent a continuation of traditional soviet practices. He demonstrates that they disproportionately benefit the better off and that they do not provide a means by which those who have suffered misfortune can compensate for a fall in their earnings. Instead, he illustrates that most Russian households have adapted simply by cutting expenditure rather than by finding new sources of income. The author concludes by arguing that the notion of a ‘household survival strategy’ is inappropriate for the study of post-soviet society.
Based on the analysis of a wide range of qualitative and quantitative data, Making Ends Meet in Contemporary Russia provides a comprehensive analysis of the means by which Russian households have secured their subsistence in the face of a collapse in wages and employment since the end of the soviet system. It will be required reading for all students, scholars and researchers of transition studies, development studies and human geography.

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This work focuses on the new kinds of conflict that arise in the transition to a market economy. Following an editorial introduction, two papers theorize the results of empirical research into patterns of conflict and forms of trade unionism in Russian enterprises in the transition period. These are followed by a detailed case study of the development of an independent trade union in one large industrial enterprise, and a paper which explores changes in the status hierachy of the industrial enterprise. Two papers then address the much-neglected issue of gender differentiation at the work place, both papers question the supposed passivity of Russian women workers. The two final papers address the issue of conflict and change in the external relations of enterprises through case studies of the process of bankruptcy and of conflict between insiders and outsiders. This text is the second volume in the series "Management and Industry in Russia", reporting on the results of a programme of research into the restructuring of social relations in Russian industrial production.

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Simon Pirani investigates the interaction of power, money and people in Russia during the presidencies of Vladimir Putin and his successor Dmitry Medvedev. Profiling the Putin team, including contingents from the security services and pro-market economic "reformers," Pirani argues that the economic growth it presided over during the oil boom was one-sided. The gap between rich and poor widened. Now the boom is over, inequalities will multiply further. As well as explaining Russia's economic trajectory, the book provides a unique account of the social movements that are working against an increasingly authoritarian government to change Russia for the better. This is the perfect introduction for undergraduates approaching Russia for the first time and those who wish to know how Russia will change during the economic crisis.

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This books explains the last 23 years of Imperial Russia and why Nicholas II and the Romanov family lost their throne. At several points in his rule, if Nicholas had changed his methods, Imperial Russia may have survived and evolved into something like Great Britain. However, Nicholas made many mistakes and as a result lost both his life and that of his family. What the author does is state what Nicholas could have done in several instances and what was the likely outcome. In fact, before the beginning of WWI, the Menosheviks, Bolsheviks, and SRs were battling among themselves and were not credible as an opponent. However, Nicholas made stupid decisions (or let his wife make them) and this resulted in an autocracy that was no longer a ruling force for most Russians.

This is a nice read about why Imperial Russia crashed and burned. Inept leadership was the factor that gave power to the Communists. Nicholas may have been a decent guy, but he was a horrible emperor.

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The end of communism marked the re-emergence of a huge rise in organised crime across Russia and Eastern Europe. High-profile efforts to combat it have met with little success.Patricia Rawlinson argues that burgeoning crime rates result not only from the failures of communism but also from the problems of free market economies.Drawing on interviews with members of the Russian criminal underworld, the business community, journalists and the militia, she argues that organised crime pres us with a barometer of economic well-being, not just for Russia but for any market economy.

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The legacy of environmental catastrophe in the states of the former Soviet Union includes desertification, pollution, and the toxic aftermath of industrial accidents, the most notorious of which was the Chernobyl disaster of 1986. This book examines the development of environmental activism in Russia and the former Soviet republics in response to these problems and its effect on policy and planning. It also shows that because of increasing economic, ethnic, and social inequality in the former Soviet states, debates over environmental justice are beginning to come to the fore. The book explores the varying environmental, social, political, and economic circumstances of these countries—which range from the Western-style democracies of the Baltic states to the totalitarian regimes of Central Asia—and how they affect the ecological, environmental, and public health.

Among the topics covered are environmentalism in Russia (including the progressive nature of its laws on environmental protection, which are undermined by the instability of the legal environment and a failure to implement laws); the effect of oil wealth on Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan; the role of nationalism in Latvian environmentalism; the struggle of Russia's indigenous peoples for environmental justice; public participation in Estonia's environmental movement; and lack of access to natural capital in Tajikistan. Environmental Justice and Sustainability in the Former Soviet Union makes clear that although fragile transition economies, varying degrees of democratization, and a focus on national security can stymie progress toward "just sustainability," the diverse states of the former Soviet Union are making some progress toward sustainability and environmental justice.

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In his introduction, Alexander V. Obolonsky notes that Russian history and life are full of paradoxes, most of them sad. Why, he asks, have the Russians, who possess enormous natural, human, and intellectual resources and a great literary and scientific heritage, proven unable to realize their great potential? Obolonsky has undertaken the formidable task of reinterpreting Russian history from the Time of Troubles and the reign of Ivan the Terrible to perestroika, glasnost, and the dismantling of the Soviet system. Through a careful reconsideration of Russia's past, he seeks to assess the social and political realities that will shape the future. Obolonsky structures his analytic narrative around two concepts_a system in which individuals are viewed as "cogs" functioning for the sake of the whole, and a liberal person-centered paradigm in which society seeks to promote the development of the individual. In doing so, he challenges standard interpretations regarding Russia, the USSR, the role of political leaders, and the Russian people. Students of Russian history, politics, and culture, and those interested in the broader issues of twentieth-century society, will find this informative magnum opus insightful and thought-provoking.

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Tobacco in Russian History and Culture: The Seventeenth Century to the Present explores tobacco’s role in Russian culture through a multidisciplinary approach starting with the growth of tobacco consumption from its first introduction in the seventeenth century until its pandemic status in the current post-Soviet health crisis.

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"... a signal contribution to a growing literature on a phenomenon that has become tragically pervasive in the 20th century.... This highly original account combines exemplary empirical research with the judicious application of diverse methods to explore the far-reaching ramifications of 'a whole empire walking.'" -- Vucinich Prize citation
"An important contribution not only to modern Russian history but also to an ongoing repositioning of Russia in broader European and world historical processes.... elegantly written... highly innovative." -- Europe-Asia Studies
Drawing on previously unused archival material in Russia, Latvia, and Armenia and on insights from social and critical theory, Peter Gatrell considers the origins of displacement and its political implications and provides a close analysis of humanitarian initiatives and the relationships between refugees and the communities in which they settled.

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Russian historiography - at least as it is reflected in history textbooks - has been invariably focused on the central state, to the power. The national historiographies of the peoples that were once part of the empire, on the other hand, concentrate on their own nation, and the empire for them is only a burdensome context in which a particular nation was "waking up", maturing and fighting for independence. Miller addresses the complex fabric of interaction between the imperial authority and local communities in the Romanov empire.Some of the questions that he seeks to answer include: How did the authorities structure the space of the empire? What were the economic relations between the borderlands and the center? How and why was the use of different languages regulated? How did the central authorities and local officials create and implement policies regarding different population groups? How did the experience, acquired in particular borderlands, influence the policies of the authorities in other borderlands, whether by borrowing administrative strategies and legal decisions or through officials who often changed their place of service several times during their careers? How did the local elites and communities react to the policies of the imperial authorities? How did they uphold their special interests if the empire encroached on them, but also - how did they collaborate with the empire and how did they use imperial resources for local interests?

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Kalmykia is a constituent of the Russian Federation that shaped and has been developing within Russia for several centuries. Kalmykia was incorporated into the Russian state in the early second half of the 17th century, it was officially recognized by the Russian authorities and constituted as an ethno-political entity in the form of feudal khanate with the status of a virtually autonomous unit. The Kalmyk Khanate's status as a largely self-ruling area within the Russian Empire was gradually transformed into the status of a regular administrative territory under the Astrakhan governor. It received the status of a Republic from Stalin.Maksimov examines issues of interrelations between the Kalmyk people and Russia before and after the Kalmyks' accession to the Russian state. This book analyzes the Soviet national policy and the destiny of Kalmykia under the communist regime. The legal status of this republic and its development under the new Russian federalism are discussed in great details.

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