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06. Reliable partner.pdf

master-commander / Winston Churchill / 06. Reliable partner.pdf
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It is hard to say what impression had Winston Churchill made on Joseph Stalin. It probably was not very nice. After all, the British prime-minister whom Stalin received with demonstrated respect had clearly shown his ability to jiggle with equivocal expressions and reservations to be able to renounce his promises later. But Churchill too had demonstrated the will to “face the dictator”, and the resolve to visit his misled ally in person with full understanding that he would have to listen to numerous rebukes, and even insults. In personal dealing Churchill in some ways seemed sincere, and even ingenuous. May be it was so because he underestimated the intellectual power of his host. Yet, he was not a simpleton, and did not forget that he was dealing with a smart and cunning partner.

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Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, a descendant of the famous 18th-century English militaryman and statesman John Churchill, 1st Duke of Marlborough, was born in one of the top aristocratic families of Great Britain. Hence his ascension to the upper élite of the British power was partly predetermined, or at least favoured, although his strong, independent personality became a serious obstacle in such ascension. Yet, at the end it was his personality that eventually brought him to the top.
On 22 June 1941 in the morning he was still in the bed, when the urgent news was brought to him of Adolf Hitler's invasion of the Soviet Union. Later Churchill wrote that it gave him an important relief. He immediately called BBC and announced an important broadcast on its waves in the evening. Sir Winston spent the day composing his statement. He had to abandon the anti-communist rhetoric and offer cooperation.
On 22 June 1941 Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union. The British minister of aircraft production, Sir John Moore, 1 st Baron Brabazon of Tara, expressed on that occasion the hope that Germany and the USSR would destroy each other. And Harry Truman, a US senator, spoke even more blatantly in the interview given to the New York Times on 24 June 1941: If we see that Germany is winning, we ought to help Russia, and if Russia is winning, we ought to help Germany, and that way let them kill as many as possible.
Churchill's mission in Moscow was difficult and rather unpleasant. Especially so that he while being the older one, had to come to younger Stalin. And Stalin for sure knew and remembered what Churchill said to Vyacheslav Molotov just three months before: British nation and its army were eager to engage the enemy as soon as possible and thereby help the Soviet army and its people in their glorious struggle. And now he was bringing a refusal.
It is hard to say what impression had Winston Churchill made on Joseph Stalin. It probably was not very nice. After all, the British prime-minister whom Stalin received with demonstrated respect had clearly shown his ability to jiggle with equivocal expressions and reservations to be able to renounce his promises later. But Churchill too had demonstrated the will to “face the dictator”, and the resolve to visit his misled ally in person with full understanding that he would have to listen to numerous rebukes, and even insults. In personal dealing Churchill in some ways seemed sincere, and even ingenuous. May be it was so because he underestimated the intellectual power of his host. Yet, he was not a simpleton, and did not forget that he was dealing with a smart and cunning partner.
After the German defeat on the Kursk Salient in the summer of 1943 the Red Army's superiority became obvious. The Red Army was able to launch the strategic offensive along the whole East front. That fact forced Sir Winston Spencer Churchill to undertake some measures to hold the Russian advance to the West. As they delayed the opening of the "second front", and procrastinated in the Italian campaign (only Sicily was occupied relatively quickly, and with the help of the local mafiosi, who have firmly installed themselves in Sicily ever since), the Western Allies ran the risk of losing their influence in Europe, which could fall into the hands of the communists. What could be done with that?
From the Nazi point of view, it is paramount to have purely biological, genetic features distinguishing the tribe (or the nation) from the others. And it does not matter if one is a decent person or rascal, cultural or vulgar, talented or incompetent. That is why it is most attractive to all kinds of scoundrels, dullards, and losers, who look to nationalism as an opportunity to become a part of a bigger whole, of which they are unworthy. That is how the quotation "Patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel" should be properly understood.
Soon after the Teheran conference, Winston Churchill undertook attempts to revise its decisions. During the second Cairo conference with Franklin Delano Roosevelt in December 1943, the British prime-minister tried to impress the American president with the difficulties of the Overlord. He insisted on launching a parallel landing on the Greek island of Rhodes (at that time in Italian-held Dodecanese). Churchill attached to the occupation of that island big hopes to have Turkey joint the war against Germany, which was an important link in Churchill's Balkan plans.
In 1944 the overall situation in the world was unfavourable to the British Empire. Winston Churchill had to reconcile with the role of America's minor partner, although in Europe he continued to play one of the major political roles. During the Teheran conference, when Joseph Stalin praised the superiority of the USA as the industrial power (at least ahead of Great Britain), which manufactured huge quantities of the quality weapons, the British prime-minister might be thinking about the super-weapons, which were under development in Germany and the USA. With such weapons his country might be able to dictate its will to other nations again. He could not guess, however, that the USSR was forcing research on the atomic bomb as well.
It is remarkable that the second conference of the leaders of the great powers took place in Crimea, the Russian territory liberated from the Nazis. The final victory was closing; it was the time to take care of the future peace. There were no doubts that the USSR and USA would substantially expand their zones of influence. And that could happen only at the expense of the British Empire. Winston Churchill faced a difficult problem: How to check this process?
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