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Kobieta Mich

widziany: 8.03.2013 18:59

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5015 plików
168,78 GB

  • 154 KB
  • 28 kwi 11 18:49
Edward Radziński w swej najnowszej książce, barwnej biografii Aleksandra II, z rozmachem kreśli tragiczną postać wielkiego cara-reformatora i jego epoki. Władcy, który zniósł poddaństwo i usiłował wprowadzić Rosję w krąg państw europejskich, a którego znienawidziło całe społeczeństwo.

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Barwna biografia faworyta Katarzyny II, Grigorija Potiomkina. Był bohaterem jednej z najsłynniejszych historii miłosnych, politykiem i wizjonerem. Tło stanowi XVIII-wieczna Rosja z jej dworskimi intrygami, burzliwymi romansami i zakulisowymi działaniami dyplomatów.

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Poltava marked the demise of Sweden as a European great power and the rise of Russia. In 1707, the seemingly invincible Charles XII led his army deep into Russia. It was to prove his undoing - the long march eroded the fighting strength of the invaders; a vital supply convoy was lost; and the winter of 1708/9 was the worst in living memory. Drawing upon primary source material previously unseen in the west, Angus Konstam recounts the events, looking in particular at how this battle led to the destruction of the Swedish Army,

Contents
* The Origins of the Campaign
* The Opposing Commanders
* The Opposing Armies
* The Opposing Plans
* The Campaign
* The Battle
* Aftermath
* Chronology
* A Guide to Further Reading
* The Battlefield Today
* Wargaming the Poltava Campaign

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According to Russian legend, in the year AD 862 the Slav tribes of what is now European Russia invited a number of Scandinavian princes to rule over them. However, on the death of these princes, Prince Oleg seized Kiev and united the Northern and Southern Russian territories, building extensive fortifications to protect its borders. The rise of feudalism in the 11th century lead to the development of individual fortified sites and the extended border defenses fell into disrepair. Consequently, Mongol hordes poured over the border introducing the siege warfare techniques of the East, heavily influencing the fortification styles thereafter. Using a wealth of archeological evidence and first-hand sources, Konstantin Nossov charts the history of the medieval Russian fortress from its early beginnings until the 14th century, paying special attention to the development of one of the most iconic fortifications in the world: the Kremlin.

Contents
Introduction - Chronology - The principles of defence - Zmievy Valy (Snake Ramparts) - Design and development - Tour of the sites - The living sites - The sites in war - Aftermath - The sites today - Bibliography and further reading - Glossary - Index

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The collected writings of Peter Kropotkin. Kropotkin grew up in the midst of the struggle between the peasants and workers and the government. He was born a prince of the old nobility of Moscow, was trained as a page in the Emperor's court, and at twenty became an officer in the army. The discovery that he was engaged in revolutionary activities in St. Petersburg while he was presumably devoting his life to scientific geography, caused a sensation. He was arrested and held in prison without trial. He became at once one of the most hated and most beloved representatives of the revolutionary cause.

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Mikhail A. Molchanov is Associate Professor of Political Science, St. Thomas University, Canada. He holds a Ph.D. in political science, a Ph.D. in philosophy, and an M.S. in public administration. He has previously been an analyst for Human Resources Development Canada, taught at Carleton University's Institute of European and Russian Studies, was a lecturer at the University of Victoria and the University of Alberta, a Ph.D. Fellow at the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies, and chair of the Department of Public Administration at the Institute of Public Administration and Local Government, Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine.

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This collection of 51 schematic plates covers each regiment of the Imperial Guard of Czar Nicholas I - the last Russian Czar. After the disastrous war with Japan in 1904-5, Czar Nicholas II ordered sweeping reforms for the Russian Army. Among these, in an attempt to restore pride and confidence was a change in dress uniforms. This change reversed the draconian reforms of Alexander III in 1881 when simple peasant style uniforms were adopted and all cavalry became dragoons. Now the hussars, lancers and cuirassiers returned (the latter converted to dragoons) with distinctive and attractive uniforms. Not least of these affected the Imperial Guard where uniforms reached their apogee in terms of magnificence.

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With over 160 illustrations from sketches and drawings by the author and from photographs.

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The complete story of the desperate struggle between two great nations with dominion over the orient as the tremendous prize with historical and descriptive sketches of Russia, Siberia, Japan, Korea and Manchuria containing many maps and illustrations.

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The nineteenth-century author Nikolai Gogol occupies a key place in the Russian cultural pantheon as an ardent champion of Russian nationalism. Indeed, he created the nation's most famous literary icon: Russia as a rushing carriage, full of elemental energy and limitless potential.
In a pathbreaking book, Edyta Bojanowska topples the foundations of this russocentric myth of the Ukrainian-born writer, a myth that has also dominated his Western image. She reveals Gogol's creative engagement with Ukrainian nationalism and calls attention to the subversive irony and ambiguity in his writings on Russian themes. While in early writings Gogol endowed Ukraine with cultural wholeness and a heroic past, his Russia appears bleak and fractured. Russian readers resented this unflattering contrast and called upon him to produce a brighter vision of Russia. Gogol struggled to satisfy their demands but ultimately failed.
In exploring Gogol's fluctuating nationalist commitments, this book traces the connections and tensions between the Russian and Ukrainian nationalist paradigms in his work, and situates both in the larger imperial context. In addition to radically new interpretations of Gogol's texts, Edyta Bojanowska offers a comprehensive analysis of his reception by contemporaries.
Brilliantly conceived and masterfully argued, Edyta Bojanowska fundamentally changes our understanding of this beloved author and his place in Russian literature.

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This title investigates Vladimir Putin's war for control of Russia's vast oil reserves, in particular Mikhail Khodorkovsky's oil firm, Yukos. Putin's Oil investigates the complex world of Kremlin politics, including conspiracies and conspiracy theories, allegations that Roman Abramovitch plotted with Putin to destroy Khodorkovsky, suspicions of betrayal and double agents in the Kremlin and in Yukos, murder charges against Khodorkovsky's partners, and the KGB defector who claims they were carried out by Kremlin agents. After the mysterious death in a helicopter crash of the Englishman who had taken over Yukos, the company's war against the Kremlin is now being waged by a troika of mild mannered Britons, pursued by Interpol arrest warrants and Moscow's fury. Khodorkovsky remains in a penal camp in far Eastern Siberia. Martin Sixsmith, former BBC Moscow Correspondent, has gained unprecedented access to many of the players in the drama. The resulting book is both a thriller and an analysis of the defining moments of Putin's presidency and their ongoing impact in Russian and world politics.

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Russia's best-known contemporary historian comes to grips with his country in the aftermath of Communism, and he doesn't like what's been happening. Medvedev makes no bones about the fact that he thinks the path Yeltsin and the "democratic reformers" have followed these past eight years has been a disaster. He himself would have preferred the Russian government had been less dedicated to privatization and the market economy and bolstering the financial sector and instead had concentrated on rebuilding the country's industrial base and maintaining a favorable balance of trade. For Medvedev, the Unholy Three of Russia's economic disaster are Yeltsin, who oversaw it all; Yegor Gaidar, whom Medvedev seems particularly to despise and whose free-market policies resulted in simultaneous inflation and devaluation of the ruble; and Anatoly Chubais, the man behind the privatization giveaway that robbed a nation of its wealth. Medvedev certainly pulls no punches when discussing these three or incidents such as the 1993 confrontation between Yeltsin and the parliament and the 1998 crisis that resulted in further devaluation of the ruble.

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Presenting the results of new research and fresh approaches, the historians whose work is highlighted here seek to extend new thinking about the way imperial Russian history is studied and taught. Populating their essays are a varied lot of ordinary Russians of the 18th and 19th centuries: a luxury-loving merchant and his extended family, reform-minded clerics, peasant resettlers, soldiers on the frontier, amateur ethnographers, lesser nobles of the provinces and the capitals, founders of the Russian Geographic Society.In contrast to much of traditional historical writing on Imperial Russia, which focused heavily on the causes of its demise, the contributors to this volume investigate the people and institutions that kept imperial Russia functioning over a long period of time. Eschewing grand historical narratives for mini-stories of politics, culture, institutions, or family life, the essays open new directions for scholars and students seeking a better understanding of Russia's fascinating past. "Indiana-Michigan Series" in Russian and East European Studies.

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"Using numerous case records from volost courts from 1905 to 1917, Burbank (New York Univ.) argues that the peasants who judged and were judged in these courts showed notable respect for law and legal procedure. The panel of judges, a small jury in the author's thinking, was guided by reason, a concern for documentary proof, and the evidence of witnesses, the hallmarks of the legal order that went unrecognized by contemporary educated society. Burbank believes that the disparagement of peasant justice as disorderly, corrupt, and ignorant was based on data from the 19th century. But she also disagrees with those who see peasant justice as a protest against the state and its laws. Her argument is persuasive, especially when she presents peasants as individuals rather than exemplars of a class. Only in passing does she suggest that her peasant actors may have been more enterprising than others. Although Burbank disagrees with critics of peasant justice, their data for the 19th century is also persuasive. Moreover, readers may not share the author's perplexity that her law-abiding, but admittedly uncivil, peasants made a revolution in 1917. But they should read her book. Summing Up: Recommended. Upper-division undergraduates and above."

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Деятельность Владимира Путина оценивают не только зарубежные эксперты. "Лимонов против Путина" - так называется новая книга лидера Национал-большевистской партии России. По словам Эдуарда Лимонова, он написал расследование деятельности российского президента, начиная с того момента, когда Путин занимал пост заместителя губернатора Санкт-Петербурга. Презентация этой книги прошла в московском книжном магазине "Фаланстер".

"Просто ругань неуместна", - объясняет Лимонов. "В моей книге приведены доказательства". И продолжает: "Режим Путина следует измерять количеством унижений, страданий, горя и несвободы, принесенных гражданам".

"По этим показателям режим Путина должен быть осужден, как бесчеловечный. Невыносимо высокомерное по-чекистски, антидемократическое, антицивилизованное, средневековое отношение к человеку - вот в чем главный изъян. Модель патерналистского государства с суровым отцом, его высочеством президентом, хозяином во главе - это ГУИНовская модель лагеря, на самом деле", - говорит писатель.

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How has Russia's political elite struggled to build a federal system of government out of the rubble of the Soviet empire? This ground-breaking book examines the public debates, official documents, and political deals that built Russia's federal house, and analyzes the strength of its troubled foundation.

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'Richard Sakwa’s Putin: Russia’s Choice is the best book in English on Putin’s presidency by one of the world’s leading authorities on contemporary Russian politics. Sakwa’s analysis of Putin is sympathetic but he is not blind to the many problems and failures that have marred Russia’s progress away from the chaos of the Yeltsin era. Sakwa cuts through the hype of the pro- and anti-Putin camps to weigh up both the degradation of democracy under Putin and the possibilities for democratic evolution. Importantly, as the end of Putin’s second presidential term nears, Sakwa allows us a glimpse of how Russia might develop beyond Putin and, perhaps, without him.' - Neil Robinson, University of Limerick, Ireland

'Richard Sakwa's latest book is the best short text in print on Russian politics in the Putin era. It presents Putin as a Jacobin state builder and on the whole as an effective reformer, but does not spare criticism or analysis of Putin's and Russia's many contradictions. I cannot think of a better starting point for understanding Russian and Eurasian politics in the second post-communist decade.' - Timothy Colton, Harvard University, USA

'In this second edition of his classic analysis of Putin’s Russia, Richard Sakwa again challenges those who are too quick and willing to condemn the Soviet president as anti-democratic and a traditional autocratic Russian leader. Sakwa writes in his usual deceptive style – his prose is clear and might initially appear straightforward, but in fact conveys highly sophisticated and complex arguments. This book will not appeal to simplistic souls who want to see the world in black-and-white, ‘good guys and bad guys’ terms. Rather, it will attract those who can handle complexity and contradictions – the reality of politics, whether in Russia or anywhere else. And it will appeal to those who want a deeper understanding of the leader of one of the world’s most significant states, one that is becoming increasingly influential again in world affairs.' - Leslie Holmes, University of Melbourne, Australia

'The main accomplishment of this book is that it sheds much light on the rationale behind Putin’s policies, in part by deviating from more conventional explanations that assume the authoritarian nature of political development in Russia. Besides, the book is a rich source of factual information about the Putin years—so far. Since the Putin era appears to be far from over, even when a formal shift of power has occurred, this will remain an important textbook for many years to come.' - Max Bader, Europe-Asia Studies

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In this ground-breaking study, Stephen White, Richard Rose, and Ian McAllister analyze the momentous sequence of elections held during the collapse of the Soviet Union and the creation of the Russian Federation. Declaring Russia a "late entrant to the world of free elections" that still lags behind its postcommunist neighbors, the authors trace the progress of democratization by examining data from the nationwide New Russia Barometer surveys.

About the Author

Stephen White is professor of politics and a member of the Institute of Russian and East European Studies at the University of Glasgow. He is also president of the British Association for Slavic and East European Studies. His publications include Political Culture and Soviet Politics, The Bolshevik Poster, After Gorbachev, and Russia Goes Dry.

Richard Rose is the author of many election books and scholarly papers. He is editor of International Encyclopedia of Elections, published by CQ Press. Rose is the director of the Center for the Study of Public Policy at the University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, Scotland, where Neil Munro is a fellow scholar.

Ian McAllister is professor of government and chair of the Department of Government at the University of Manchester. He is the author of Political Behavior and coauthor of Dimensions of Australian Society and The Australian Political System. His research interests are in the areas of comparative political behavior, political parties, and voters and electoral systems.

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Прошли времена, когда Россию просто не любили и делали вид, что боятся. Теперь ее демонстративно не уважают. Более того, только ленивый не лягает. И кажется, лев при смерти и ему уже не подняться. Как возникают империи? Почему государства объединяются в союзы? Какова здесь роль лидеров? В книге известного политолога Станислава Белковского даются ответы на эти и другие вопросы. Рассматриваются перспективы создания империи с Россией во главе. Во всей полноте даются характеристики российских лидеров и прежде всего президента Владимира Путина.

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