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widziany: 17.08.2021 10:16

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6608 plików
34,86 GB

Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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Mistrzowskie interperetacje obrosłej legendą prozy rosyjskiego mistrza - Michaiła Zoszczenki. Opowiadania o Leninie utrzymane w konw encji powagi należnej wielkiemu wodzowi wywołują salwy śmiechu.

Spis treści:
01. WSTĘP
02. KARAFKA
03. OPOWIEŚĆJAK LENIN SIĘ UCZYŁ
04. O TYM, JAK LENIN PRZESTAŁ PALIĆ
05. LENIN ZJADAŁ KAŁAMARZE
06. TOWARZYSZ ILJICZ U FRYZJERA
07. ZAMACH NA WODZA REWOLUCJI
08. LENIN TROPI PSZCZOŁY
09. KOMENTARZ
10. NA POLOWANIU
11. OMYŁKA
12. LENIN I RYBA
13. LENIN ZATRZYMANY PRZEZ WARTOWNIKA
14. ZDUN BENDERIN
15. TOWARZYSZ ILJICZ KOCHAŁ DZIECI
16. EPILOG

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The French countryside and the Communist Party are inextricably linked. Communism in Rural France explores this complex and powerful relationship which is so crucial for an understanding of the history of modern France.
During 1936 and 1937 a bitter struggle erupted among the agricultural workers and swept through parts of the French countryside, which rose up in strikes and increased unionization. Coinciding with the urban "social explosion" which followed the victory of the Popular Front government, the conflict shocked right-wing opinion and panicked wealthy land-owners, who blamed the spread of the "corrupting" collectivist influences of urban society into the countryside on the French Communist Party.

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In the 1960s and 1970s the study of history and sociology was heavily influenced by Marxism and theories of class. But the collapse of Communism and significant changes in culture and society threw the study of class into crisis. Its most basic premises were called into question. More recently accelerating globalisation, proliferating multinational corporations and unbridled free-market capitalism have given the study of class a new significance and caused historians and sociologists to revisit the debate. This book looks at the changes that caused the crisis in the study of class and shows how new, vibrant theories have appeared that will drive forward our understanding of history and sociology.

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In the postwar years, Italy underwent a far-reaching process of industrialization that transformed the country into a leading industrial power. Throughout most of this period, the Italian Communist Party (PCI) remained a powerful force in local government and civil society. However, as Stephen Gundle observes, the PCI was increasingly faced with challenges posed by modernization, particularly by mass communication, commercial cultural industries, and consumerism. Between Hollywood and Moscow is an analysis of the PCI’s attempts to cope with these problems in an effort to maintain its organization and subculture. Gundle focuses on the theme of cultural policy, examining how the PCI’s political strategies incorporated cultural policies and activities that were intended to respond to the Americanization of daily life in Italy. In formulating this policy, Gundle contends, the Italian Communists were torn between loyalty to the alternative values generated by the Communist tradition and adaptation to the dominant influences of Italian modernization. This equilibrium eventually faltered because the attractive aspects of Americanization and pop culture proved more influential than the PCI’s intellectual and political traditions. The first analysis in English of the cultural policies and activities of the PCI, this book will appeal to readers with an interest in modern Italy, the European left, political science, and media studies.

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A startling new book, Basescu: The Shame of Romania, charts the course of the Romanian merchant and oceanic fishing fleets as they sailed across a sea of corruption, disappearing into their own Bermuda Triangle. It has been called “The greatest corruption case in the history of Romania.”
The thoroughly researched and documented report covers the information waterfront, from extensive media reports to court proceedings. It’s a tale of nearly 40 years of corruption, deceit and nepotism and old-fashioned fraud.
In his rise from ordinary seaman to ship’s captain in the communist system, with a possible detour through the Securitate, to mayor of Bucharest, transport minister and ultimately national president, “Traian Basescu has displayed an almost contemptuous disregard for the rule of law and an ongoing propensity for abuse of power,” says Jonathan Harper, author of the expose.

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Drawing on previously unknown primary sources in both Chinese and Russian, Deborah A. Kaple has written a powerful and absorbing account of the model of factory management and organization that the Chinese communists formulated in the 1949-1953 period. She reveals that their "new" management techniques were adapted from Soviet propaganda during the harsh period of Stalin's post-war reconstruction. The idealized Stalinist management system consisted mainly of strict Communist Party control of all aspects of workers' lives, which is the root of such strong Party control over Chinese society today. Dream of a Red Factory is a rare and revealing look at the consolidation rule in China; told through the prism of the development of new "socialist" factories and enterprises. Kaple completely counters the old myth of the "Soviet monolith" in China, and carefully reconstructs how the Chinese communists came to rely on an idealized, propagandistic version of the Soviet model instead.

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The idea of eliminating undesirable traits from human temperament to create a "new man" has been part of moral and political thinking worldwide for millennia. During the Enlightenment, European philosophers sought to construct an ideological framework for reshaping human nature. But it was only among the communist regimes of the twentieth century that such ideas were actually put into practice on a nationwide scale. In this book Yinghong Cheng examines three culturally diverse sociopolitical experiments--the Soviet Union under Lenin and Stalin, China under Mao, and Cuba under Castro--in an attempt to better understand the origins and development of the "new man."

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The Cold War dominated the world political arena for forty-five years. Focusing on the international system and on events in all parts of the globe, Melvyn P. Leffler and David S. Painter have brought together a truly international collection of articles that provide a fresh and comprehensive analysis of the origins of the Cold War.
Moving beyond earlier controversies, this edited collection focuses on the interaction between geopolitics and threat perception, technology and strategy, ideology and social reconstruction, national economic reform and patterns of international trade, and decolonization and national liberation. The editors also consider how and why the Cold War spread from Europe to Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America and how groups, classes and elites used the Cold War to further their own interests.
This second edition brings the collection right up to date, including the newest research from the Communist side of the Cold War and the most recent debates on culture, race and intelligence. Also included is a completely new section dealing with the Cold War crises in Iran, Turkey and Greece and a guide to further reading.

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One of the enduring puzzles of World War II is Stalin's dismissal of unmistakable evidence of a looming German invasion, a blunder that contributed to the disastrous Russian defeats of 1941. This engaging study of the Soviet intelligence apparatus helps clarify the mystery. Murphy, an ex-CIA Soviet specialist and co-author of Battleground Berlin: CIA vs. KGB in the Cold War, argues that Stalin knew virtually everything for many months before the attack. Soviet spies in the German government offered detailed reports of invasion plans. Britain and the United States passed along warnings. Soviet agents in Eastern Europe noted the millions of German soldiers heading east to the Soviet border and their stock-piling of weapons and Russian phrase books. Stalin rejected these reports as Western provocations and barred the Red Army from taking elementary precautions, like chasing off the German reconnaissance planes surveying their defenses. Murphy presents a bizarre additional wrinkle in two letters Hitler sent to allay Stalin's suspicions, which claimed that the German armies massing in Poland were preparing to attack England and warned Stalin that rogue Wehrmacht units might invade Russia against Hitler's wishes-a smokescreen that inhibited Stalin's response to the German buildup and initial attacks. Murphy chalks up the debacle to Stalin's clinging to a Marxist fantasy of the capitalist powers fighting each other to exhaustion, and to the paralysis instilled in the Red Army by his purges. Fearful subordinates bowed to Stalin's absurd complacency about German intentions; the one intelligence chief who dared challenge his delusions was arrested and shot. Murphy's well-researched account offers both a meticulous reconstruction of an intelligence epic and a window into the tragedy of Stalin's despotism.

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From the back cover: "The 20th century, which we have just left behind us, was a century of war and conflict, leading to disasters, pain, massacres, poverty, and enormous destruction. Millions of people were killed, massacred, abandoned to hunger and death, and left without home or shelter, protection, or support. And all for nothing: in the name of serving deviant ideologies. On nearly every occasion there were despots' and dictators' signatures beneath all the suffering and disasters: Stalin, Lenin, Trotsky, Mao, Pol Pot, Hitler, Mussolini, Franco... For the simple reason that their ideologies were opposed to each other, these people dragged societies into conflict and turned brother against brother. Fascism and Communism come at the head of the ideologies that caused mankind to suffer those dark days. These are seen as enemies, as ideas that tried to destroy each other. In actual fact, there is a most interesting truth here: for these ideologies were nourished by a single ideological source, drew strength and support from that source and, thanks to that source, were able to draw societies to their side. That source is the materialist philosophy, and Darwinism, the state of that philosophy as adapted to nature. If everyone comes to know the scientific invalidity of this theory, that will spell the end of these harmful ideologies. Those who do evil will have no more so-called scientific backing for their self-centered, selfish and pitiless world view."

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Contents: 1. Bolshevik Uprising; 2. Interlude, 19 17- 19 18; 3. Allied Intervention; 4. Civil War in Siberia; 5. Civil War in South Russia; 6. Civil War in North Western Russia; 7. Red and White Civil War.

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Nikita Khrushchev’s proclamation from the floor of the United Nations that "we will bury you" is one of the most chilling and memorable moments in the history of the Cold War, but from the Cuban Missile Crisis to his criticism of the Soviet ruling structure late in his career the motivation for Khrushchev’s actions wasn’t always clear. Many Americans regarded him as a monster, while in the USSR he was viewed at various times as either hero or traitor. But what was he really like, and what did he really think? Readers of Khrushchev’s memoirs will now be able to answer these questions for themselves (and will discover that what Khrushchev really said at the UN was "we will bury colonialism").This is the first volume of three in what will be the only complete and fully reliable version of the memoirs available in English. In this volume Khrushchev recounts how he became politically active as a young worker in Ukraine, how he climbed the ladder of power under Stalin to occupy leading positions in Ukraine and then Moscow, and how as a military commissar he experienced the war against the Nazi invaders. He vividly portrays life in Stalin's inner circle and among the generals who commanded the Soviet armies. Khrushchev’s sincere reflections upon his own thoughts and feelings add to the value of this unique personal and historical document. Included among the appendices is Sergei Khrushchev’s account of how the memoirs were created and smuggled abroad during his father’s retirement.

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From 1941-1944 Leningrad saw by far the largest-scale famine ever to occur in a developed society. This book examines the nature and consequences of the extreme conditions created by the German blockade of Leningrad between September 1941 and January 1944. Using declassified documents from Party and State archives in Moscow and St Petersburg and interviews with survivors the authors have produced the most informed and detailed analysis to date of the impact of the siege on the lives and the health of the people of Leningrad.

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