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Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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The Cultural Revolution was a watershed event in the history of the People’s Republic of China, the defining decade of half a century of communist rule. Before 1966, China was a typical communist state, with a command economy and a powerful party able to keep the population under control. But during theCultural Revolution , in a move unprecedented in any communist country, Mao unleashed the Red Guards against the party. Tens of thousands of officials were humiliated, tortured, and even killed. Order had to be restored by the military, whose methods were often equally brutal. In a masterly book, Roderick MacFarquhar and Michael Schoenhals explain why Mao launched the Cultural Revolution, and show his Machiavellian role in masterminding it (which Chinese publications conceal). In often horrifying detail, they document the Hobbesian state that ensued. The movement veered out of control and terror paralyzed the country. Power struggles raged among Lin Biao, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, and Jiang Qing—Mao’s wife and leader of the Gang of Four—while Mao often played one against the other.After Mao’s death, in reaction to the killing and the chaos, Deng Xiaoping led China into a reform era in which capitalism flourishes and the party has lost its former authority. In its invaluable critical analysis of Chairman Mao and its brilliant portrait of a culture in turmoil, Mao’s Last Revolution offers the most authoritative and compelling account to date of this seminal event inthe history of China.

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This documentary collection, continuing Yale's pioneering Annals of Communism series, tackles questions surrounding the paroxysm of the purges in 1937^-38. One thing Stalin had was a long memory, and the hitherto mysterious Riutin Platform (the contents here at last seeing the light) must have rankled him. The platform was a 1932 call by Bolshevik veterans to remove him. The course culminating in the extirpation of all opposition was complex, and the authors' commentary underscores that a politics of sorts continued up to the point when full-blown terror was unleashed, a politics that pitted the central apparatus of Stalin and his associates in Moscow against the regional party bosses. The authors track one such Stalinist's fate in detail, as they do that of Bukharin, Stalin's opponent in the 1920s. The 200 documents here will astonish anyone familiar with the era, yet it is a specialized tome whose public library appeal could be checked against the circulation stats for the indubitably popular Who Killed Kirov? by Amy Knight. IGilbert Taylor

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In this unique book, we hear the poignant voices of those who experienced firsthand the 1930s in the Soviet Union. The book's 157 documents, selected from newly opened Soviet archives, include primarily letters from ordinary citizens to authorities but also various official reports and correspondence. The documents illuminate in new ways the complex social roots of Stalinism and the texture of daily life during a highly traumatic decade."Maybe some people are shy about writing, but I will write the real truth. . . . Is it really possible that people at the newspaper haven't heard this. . . that we don't want to be on the kolkhoz [collective farm], we work and work, and there's nothing to eat. Really, how can we live?"-A farmer's letter, 1936, from Stalinism as a Way of Life. Annals of Communism series

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This volume is a systematic comparative study of the French and Italian Communist parties in the period from the early 1960s to the early 1980s. Focusing on the municipal level, it carefully exmaines the cultural policies implemented by the parties in two communist strongholds, Ivry-sur-Seine (France) and Reggio Emilia (Italy). The author uses these two case studies to test empirically the hypothesis found almost universally in the comparative literature. That is, it is generally argued that the French Communist Party (PCF) remained an orthodox, sectarian Leninist party, which aimed at creating a Soviet style society in France, whereas the former Italian Communist Party (PCI) is depicted as a more moderate party, which rejected the Soviet-style model after World War II and embarked on a new strategy, veering towards reformism and social democracy.

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Despite the appalling record of the Soviet Union on human rights questions, many western intellectuals with otherwise impeccable liberal credentials were strong supporters the Soviet Union in the interwar period. This book explores how this seemingly impossible situation came about.
Focusing in particular on the work of various official and semi-official bodies, including Comintern, the International Association of Revolutionary Writers, the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, and the Foreign Commission of the Soviet Writers' Union, this book shows how cultural propaganda was always a high priority for the Soviet Union, and how successful this cultural propaganda was in seducing so many Western thinkers.

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This collection presents the major recent writings on the Russian Revolution and its context. It brings together key texts to illustrate new interpretive approaches and covers the central topics and themes. Together, the chapters in this volume form a coherent representation of both the events and the theories and debates that relates to them.

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This volume collects new essays which re-evaluate aspects of Khrushchev's career. The volume includes essays by a range of contributors, including American scholars, Russian scholars, and Russian politicians and bureaucrats. Topics include: Khrushchev's rise to power, domestic policy, foreign policy and military policy, and two essays comparing Khrushchev and Gorbachev.

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In 1917 the Bolsheviks proclaimed a world remade. The task of the new regime, and of the media that served it, was to reshape the old world in revolutionary form, to transform the vast, "ungraspable" space of the Russian Empire into the mapped territory of the Soviet Union. This book shows how Soviet cinema encouraged popular support for state initiatives in the years between the revolution and the Second World War, helping to create a new Russian identity and territory—an "imaginary geography" of Sovietness. Drawing on a vast range of little-known texts, Emma Widdis offers a unique cultural history of the early Soviet period. In particular, she shows how films projected the new Soviet map onto the great shared screen of the popular imagination.

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The history of Eastern Europe during the Cold War is one punctuated by protest and rebellion. Revolution and Resistance in Eastern Europe covers these flashpoints from the Stalin-Tito split of 1948 to the dramatic collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989.Covering East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Poland and Romania, the authors provide comprehensive critical analysis of the varying forms of dissent in the East European socialist states. They take a comparative approach and show how the different movements affected one another. Incorporating archival material only accessible since 1989, they discuss issues such as the diverse manifestations of non-conformity among different strata of the population, the complex relationship between Moscow and the national Communist Parties, the loosening of Soviet control after 1985, and everyday resistance to state authority.This book offers a firm grounding in the tumultuous decades of communist rule, which is essential to understanding the contemporary politics of Eastern Europe.

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In essays written jointly by specialists on Soviet and German history, the contributors to this book rethink and rework the nature of Stalinism and Nazism and establish a new methodology for viewing their histories that goes well beyond the now-outdated twentieth-century models of totalitarianism, ideology, and personality. Doing the labor of comparison gives us the means to ascertain the historicity of the two extraordinary regimes and the wreckage they have left. With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, scholars of Europe are no longer burdened with the political baggage that constricted research and conditioned interpretation and have access to hitherto closed archives. The time is right for a fresh look at the two gigantic dictatorships of the twentieth century and for a return to the original intent of thought on totalitarian regimes - understanding the intertwined trajectories of socialism and nationalism in European and global history.

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This book comprises 11 essays on Stalinism by both eminent historians and younger scholars who have conducted research in the newly opened Russian archives. They discuss both the origins and consequences of Stalinism, and illustrate recent scholarly trends in the field of Soviet history.
* A collection of essays on Stalinism by both eminent and younger scholars.
* Discusses both the origins and consequences of Stalinism.
* Provides an overview of the debates for students new to the subject.
* Includes the results of research in the newly opened Russian archives.

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Private papers, diaries and memoirs, as well as official government and Foreign Office records are used within this book to produce a detailed critical analysis of the attitudes of the British political elite towards the Soviet Union, which assesses the influence such attitudes had upon British foreign policy between May 1937 and August 1939.
The British political elite in this book includes members of the Cabinet, Foreign Policy, Committee and Chiefs of Staff, Foreign Office Officials, ambassadors and diplomats, and those members of the Conservative Party and opposition elsewhere referred to as the "anti-appeasers".
This volume reveals how an alliance could have been, and so nearly was formed and how Britain's loss of a Soviet ally was due to the unwillingness of certain ministers to put aside their anti-Soviet prejudices during the foreign-policy decision-making process.

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Fewer than ten years ago, a great wall divided Eastern and Western Europe. When it came crashing down in Germany in 1989, Charles S. Maier writes, the residents of the East suddenly found the rules that had governed their lives utterly changed. It could not have been otherwise, for the old rules were no good in "a society breaking down, a regime out of touch with its society." Maier pokes into the nooks and crannies of recent history, showing how earthshaking changes can overtake us all unawares, and he traces the course of Communism's fall through a series of complex causes that can ultimately be ascribed to the usual human weaknesses: greed, ambition, corruption. His is an absorbing book that treats history as a sometimes puzzling morality play.

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