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Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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As communism collapses into ruins, Boris Groys provokes our interest in the aesthetic goals pursued with such catastrophic consequences by its founders. Interpreting totalitarian art and literature in the context of cultural history, this brilliant essay likens totalitarian aims to the modernists' demands that art should move from depicting to transforming the world. The revolutionaries of October 1917 promised to create a society that was not only more just and more economically stable but also more beautiful, and they intended that the entire life of the nation be completely subordinate to Communist party leaders commissioned to regulate, harmonize, and create a single "artistic" whole out of even the most minute details. What were the origins of this idea? And what were its artistic and literary ramifications? In addressing these issues, Groys questions the view that socialist realism was an "art for the masses." Groys argues instead that the "total art" proposed by Stalin and his followers was formulated by well-educated elites who had assimilated the experience of the avant-garde and been brought to socialist realism by the future-oriented logic of avant-garde thinking. After explaining the internal evolution of Stalinist art, Groys shows how socialist realism gradually disintegrated after Stalin's death. In an undecided and insecure Soviet culture, artists focused on restoring historical continuity or practicing "sots art," a term derived from the combined names of socialist realism (sotsrealizm) and pop art. Increasingly popular in the West, sots-artists incorporate the Stalin myth into world mythology and demonstrate its similarity to supposedly opposing myths.

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Przez całą dekadę lat osiemdziesiątych każdego roku latem do Jarocina w Wielkopolsce przybywały tysiące młodych ludi. Wyraźnie odróżniali się oni od reszty otoczenia. Ich stroje, fryzury, piosenki wykonywane przez ich idoli wyrażały sprzeciw wobec tego, co znajdowało się dookoła. Była to zbuntowana młodzież, której nie odpowiadała szkoła, dom, praca i która w siermiężnej, socjalistycznej rzeczywistości chciała zamanifestować swoją oryginalność, szczerość, a jednocześnie poczuć wspólnotę bycia i przeżywania z podobnymi sobie.

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In the summer of 1972, with a presidential crisis stirring in the United States and the cold war at a pivotal point, two men -- the Soviet world chess champion Boris Spassky and his American challenger Bobby Fischer -- met in the most notorious chess match of all time. Their showdown in Reykjavik, Iceland, held the world spellbound for two months with reports of psychological warfare, ultimatums, political intrigue, cliffhangers, and farce to rival a Marx Brothers film.

Thirty years later, David Edmonds and John Eidinow, authors of the national bestseller Wittgenstein's Poker, have set out to reexamine the story we recollect as the quintessential cold war clash between a lone American star and the Soviet chess machine -- a machine that had delivered the world title to the Kremlin for decades. Drawing upon unpublished Soviet and U.S. records, the authors reconstruct the full and incredible saga, one far more poignant and layered than hitherto believed.

Against the backdrop of superpower politics, the authors recount the careers and personalities of Boris Spassky, the product of Stalin's imperium, and Bobby Fischer, a child of post-World War II America, an era of economic boom at home and communist containment abroad. The two men had nothing in common but their gift for chess, and the disparity of their outlook and values conditioned the struggle over the board.

Then there was the match itself, which produced both creative masterpieces and some of the most improbable gaffes in chess history. And finally, there was the dramatic and protracted off-the-board battle -- in corridors and foyers, in back rooms and hotel suites, in Moscow offices and in the White House.

The authors chronicle how Fischer, a manipulative, dysfunctional genius, risked all to seize control of the contest as the organizers maneuvered frantically to save it -- under the eyes of the world's press. They can now tell the inside story of Moscow's response, and the bitter tensions within the Soviet camp as the anxious and frustrated apparatchiks strove to prop up Boris Spassky, the most un-Soviet of their champions -- fun-loving, sensitive, and a free spirit. Edmonds and Eidinow follow this careering, behind-the-scenes confrontation to its climax: a clash that displayed the cultural differences between the dynamic, media-savvy representatives of the West and the baffled, impotent Soviets. Try as they might, even the KGB couldn't help.

A mesmerizing narrative of brilliance and triumph, hubris and despair, Bobby Fischer Goes to War is a biting deconstruction of the Bobby Fischer myth, a nuanced study on the art of brinkmanship, and a revelatory cold war tragicomedy.

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Nearly ten years of bloodshed and political turmoil have followed the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Soviet occupation not only proved a major trauma for the people of Afghanistan; invasion ended at a stroke the growth in superpower detente that had characterized the late 1970s; and back home in the Soviet Union the effects of escalating military costs and over 13,000 young military casualties have been felt at every level of society. The decision to withdraw combat forces under the provisions of the Geneva Accords of April 1988 is one of the most dramatic developments in the international system since the end of the Second World War. Unable to overcome fierce insurgent Mujahideen resistance, the new Soviet leadership under General Secretary Gorbachev has opted to cut its military losses under a veil of UN diplomacy. The effects of this decision will be felt not only in Afghanistan but in the Soviet Union, in Southeast Asia, and in the wider world. This book is designed to explore the background to the decision to withdraw and its broader implications. The authors, all established specialists, examine the Geneva Accords; the future for post-withdrawal Afghanistan; and the impact of withdrawal on regional states, Soviet foreign and domestic policies, the Soviet armed forces, Sino-Soviet relations, and world politics. They write from diverse disciplinary perspectives while bringing together a shared sensitivity to the issues that complicate the Afghan question.

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In the early sixteenth century, the monk Filofei proclaimed Moscow the “Third Rome.” By the 1930s, intellectuals and artists all over the world thought of Moscow as a mecca of secular enlightenment. In Moscow, the Fourth Rome, Katerina Clark shows how Soviet officials and intellectuals, in seeking to capture the imagination of leftist and anti-fascist intellectuals throughout the world, sought to establish their capital as the cosmopolitan center of a post-Christian confederation and to rebuild it to become a beacon for the rest of the world.

Clark provides an interpretative cultural history of the city during the crucial 1930s, the decade of the Great Purge. She draws on the work of intellectuals such as Sergei Eisenstein, Sergei Tretiakov, Mikhail Koltsov, and Ilya Ehrenburg to shed light on the singular Zeitgeist of that most Stalinist of periods. In her account, the decade emerges as an important moment in the prehistory of key concepts in literary and cultural studies today—transnationalism, cosmopolitanism, and world literature. By bringing to light neglected antecedents, she provides a new polemical and political context for understanding canonical works of writers such as Brecht, Benjamin, Lukacs, and Bakhtin.

Moscow, the Fourth Rome breaches the intellectual iron curtain that has circumscribed cultural histories of Stalinist Russia, by broadening the framework to include considerable interaction with Western intellectuals and trends. Its integration of the understudied international dimension into the interpretation of Soviet culture remedies misunderstandings of the world-historical significance of Moscow under Stalin.

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An epic story of science and technology at the very limits of human understanding: the monumental race to build the first atomic weapons.
Rich in personality, action, confrontation, and deception, The First War of Physics is the first fully realized popular account of the race to build humankind's most destructive weapon. The book draws on declassified material, such as MI6's Farm Hall transcripts, coded soviet messages cracked by American cryptographers in the Venona project, and interpretations by Russian scholars of documents from the soviet archives.

Jim Baggott weaves these threads into a dramatic narrative that spans ten historic years, from the discovery of nuclear fission in 1939 to the aftermath of 'Joe-1,' August 1949's first Soviet atomic bomb test. Why did physicists persist in developing the atomic bomb, despite the devastation that it could bring? Why, despite having a clear head start, did Hitler's physicists fail? Could the soviets have developed the bomb without spies like Klaus Fuchs or Donald Maclean? Did the allies really plot to assassinate a key member of the German bomb program? Did the physicists knowingly inspire the arms race? The First War of Physics is a grand and frightening story of scientific ambition, intrigue, and genius: a tale barely believable as fiction, which just happens to be historical fact. 32 black-and-white illustrations

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Voices from the Korean War presents a collection of first-person accounts of those who served in the Korean War.

The Korean War is often dubbed the "Forgotten War," although more than 36,000 soldiers died in this three-year conflict. In Voices from the Korean War, author Douglas Rice makes certain the men who served are not forgotten as he shares first-person accounts from seventy-nine soldiers who fought in the war from June of 1950 through July of 1953.

Voices from the Korean War follows the soldiers as they trek and fly over the mountainous terrain of the Korean peninsula. Through these eyewitness accounts, hear a soldier describe what happened to a small group of North Korean villagers who refused to divulge their location. Listen in as a wounded soldier tells a flight nurse the story of how he was rescued by American soldiers as he lay wounded in a North Korean home. Learn how some prisoners of war walked their imaginary dogs to irritate their captors.

This compilation of different soldiers' perspectives conveys what it must have been like to be directly involved in the conflict. It serves as a reminder of the challenges and the sacrifices the soldiers made in the name of war.

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An expert on North Korea sheds new light on the enigmatic tyrant

From his goose-stepping military parades to his clownish macho swagger, North Korea's Kim Jong-il is an odd amalgam of political cartoon and global menace. In charge of a nuclear arsenal he's threatened to use against the U.S. and Japan, the man, his motives, and the mechanisms of his absolute control over a country of twenty-three million people remains shrouded in mystery.

In this second edition of his bestselling Kim Jong-il, Michael Breen, a leading expert on North Korea, dispels common myths and fallacies about the so-called "Dear Leader," while turning a spotlight on the man to reveal his true nature and the nature of his hold over a country ravaged by poverty and famine.

Looks at Kim from a broad perspective, unlike most other books that cater exclusively to those interested in policymaking and international relations
Features new information about succession plans, as well as the latest scoop on the mounting pressure among world leaders to thwart North Korea's nuclear ambitions
Illustrated with rare photographs of Kim and his regime

Highly accessible and suitable for anyone interested in learning more about North Korea, it's government, and its leader, Kim Jong-il unravels the mysteries, the myths, and the fallacies about the man in charge in ways that will entice even the harshest critics.

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Książka opisuje genezę wywiadu wojskowego w komunistycznej Polsce oraz rolę Sowietów w jego działalności. Autor przedstawia kierunki jego działalności, politykę personalną i struktury.

"Jest upalny 22 lipca 2006 r. Kolejna rocznica ogłoszenia manifestu PKWN w Moskwie, który dał formalny początek państwowości Polski Ludowej. Decyzją władz RP zostaję przewodniczącym Komisji ds. Likwidacji Wojskowych Służb Informacyjnych. Gdy kilka dni później z pierwszej ręki zapoznaję się z mentalnością wysokich oficerów tej służby, postanawiam ustalić i zrozumieć, jak to się stało… Jak to się stało, że w Warszawie, w gmachu przy al. Niepodległości, przez tyle lat funkcjonował jeden z najważniejszych instrumentów podległości naszego kraju.

Jak to się stało, że dopiero w siedemnastym roku budowania demokratycznej Polski rozmontowano tę postsowiecką redutę zlokalizowaną w najdalej na Wschód położonym kraju zachodniej części Europy. I jak to się stało, że do realizacji tego zadania polskie państwo wyznaczyło doktora nauk historycznych.

Ukończenie przedkładanej Czytelnikowi książki traktuję jako wypełnienie – po pięciu latach – zobowiązania, którego podjąłem się w 2006 r., ponieważ jako badacz i historyk aż za dobrze wiem, iż ludzką pamięcią, naszymi zaszłościami nie można w dowolny sposób zarządzać. Nie można arbitralnie stwierdzić, że czegoś nie będziemy pamiętać, że jakiś fragment przeszłości jest nieistotny. Wreszcie, że pozbywanie się niepotrzebnego balastu wymaga wytrwałości”
— z wprowadzenia Sławomira Cenckiewicza


"Czasem narody ulegają fałszywym politycznym wyobrażeniom z powodu niemożności dotarcia do prawdy. Dzieje się tak niestety z powodu deficytu odwagi niezbędnej do ustalania prawdy. Książka Sławomira Cenckiewicza pokazuje, że obydwie przeszkody są do pokonania. Że drogą badań historycznych można wykazać fałszywość wielu legend na temat PRL i III RP.

Dzięki żmudnej pracy i wielkiej erudycji autora ta książka obala trzy mity. Mit patriotyczności: że w PRL kadra oficerska Wojska Polskiego, z jego tajnymi służbami na czele, nie uległa sowietyzacji. Mit profesjonalizmu: że tajne służby wojska, chociaż może służyły Sowietom, to jednak były sprawne operacyjnie. Mit antylustracyjny: że członkowie PZPR nie byli werbowani na informatorów tajnych służb PRL.

Gdyby polskie nauki społeczne miały więcej takich badaczy jak dr Cenckiewicz, znacznie trudniej byłoby manipulować Polakami."

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What did the rulers of the Soviet Union truly think about each other? Piggy Foxy and the Sword of Revolution provides a window onto the soul of Bolshevism no other set of materials has ever offered. Sketching on notebook pages, official letterheads, and the margins of draft documents, prominent Soviet leaders in the 1920s and 1930s amused themselves and their colleagues with drawings of one another. Nearly 200 of these informal sketches, only recently uncovered in secret Soviet files are reproduced here. Funny, original, spontaneous, sometimes vicious or grotesque, the drawings and their accompanying notes reveal the relationships and mindsets of the Bolshevik bosses at the time of Stalin’s rise to power with blazing immediacy.
The album’s editors select characteristic drawings by such prominent leaders as Nikolai Bukharin, who depicts himself as “piggy foxy,” Valery Mezhlauk, and Stalin himself, whose trademark blue pencil appears on several of the drawings. A number of sketches of unknown authorship are also included. The editors identify the political issues, events, and discussions that inspired the drawings, and they provide biographical information about the people who drew and were drawn. The book opens a rare window on Stalin’s inner circle, allowing us access to the powerful men who, despite living in a humorless epoch, developed a special humor of their own.

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Don Oberdorfer has written a gripping narrative history of Korea's travails and triumphs over the past three decades. The Two Koreas places the tensions between North and South within a historical context, with a special emphasis on the involvement of outside powers.

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A two-decade journey, panoramic in scope yet intimate in detail, through the hopes, sorrows, and conflagrations of an unraveled empire and the people living in it.

Not with a bang, but with a quiet, ten-minute address on Christmas Day 1991: this is how the Soviet Union met its end. Lawrence Scott Sheets, who was then living in Moscow as a young foreign correspondent, went to the center of the capital to witness the response. “In the streets around Red Square,” he writes, “life went on as usual. One would not have known that 300 million people had just become citizens of other countries.”

But in the wake of that one deceptively calm moment, conflict and violence soon followed. Some of the emergent new countries began to shed totalitarianism, while others sought to revive their own dead empires or were led by barely or totally unreformed ex-Soviet leaders who built equally or even more repressive political machines. Since the late 1980s, Sheets lived and reported from the former USSR and saw firsthand the reverberations of the collapse of empire across Russia, Georgia, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Ukraine, and Chechnya. Eight Pieces of Empire draws readers into the people, politics and day-to-day life in the region, painting a vivid portrait of a tumultuous time.

On the 20th anniversary of the fall of the USSR, Sheets’ stories about people living through these tectonic shifts of fortune—a trio of female saboteurs in Chechnya, the chaos of newly independent Georgia in the early 1990s, young hustlers eager to strike it rich in the post-Soviet economic vacuum—reveal the underreported and surprising ways in which the ghosts of empire still haunt these lands and the world.

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"Cień ponurego Wschodu" to zbiór felietonów podróżniczych ukazujących życie w Rosji przed rewolucją bolszewicką i u jej progu. Autor jako niezwykle uważny obserwator rzeczywistości stara się wniknąć w charakter "rosyjskiej duszy zbiorowej". Pokazuje zabobony i gusła, w które wierzył zarówno rosyjski lud, jak i przedstawiciele dworu. Przedstawia działające w Rosji sekty i ruchy religijne, pokazuje grunt, na który padło ziarno rewolucji. Zarysowuje ponadto sylwetki osób, takich jak Rasputin czy Iwan Kronsztancki, które odegrały dużą rolę w dziejach tego państwa, tak ponurego i pełnego paradoksów.

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This widely acclaimed biography provides a vivid and riveting account of Stalin and his courtiers—killers, fanatics, women, and children—during the terrifying decades of his supreme power. In a seamless meshing of exhaustive research and narrative ?lan, Simon Sebag Montefiore gives us the everyday details of a monstrous life.We see Stalin playing his deadly game of power and paranoia at debauched dinners at Black Sea villas and in the apartments of the Kremlin. We witness first-hand how the dictator and his magnates carried out the Great Terror and the war against the Nazis, and how their families lived in this secret world of fear, betrayal, murder, and sexual degeneracy. Montefiore gives an unprecedented understanding of Stalin’s dictatorship, and a Stalin as human and complicated as he is brutal.

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On April 12, 1961, Yuri Gagarin became the first person in history to leave the Earth's atmosphere and venture into space. His flight aboard a Russian Vostok rocket lasted only 108 minutes, but at the end of it he had become the most famous man in the world. Back on the ground, his smiling face captured the hearts of millions around the globe. Film stars, politicians and pop stars from Europe to Japan, India to the United States vied with each other to shake his hand.

Despite this immense fame, almost nothing is known about Gagarin or the exceptional people behind his dramatic space flight. Starman tells for the first time Gagarin's personal odyssey from peasant to international icon, his subsequent decline as his personal life began to disintegrate under the pressures of fame, and his final disillusionment with the Russian state. President Kennedy's quest to put an American on the Moon was a direct reaction to Gagarin's achievement--yet before that successful moonshot occurred, Gagarin himself was dead, aged just thirty-four, killed in a mysterious air crash. Publicly the Soviet hierarchy mourned; privately their sighs of relief were almost audible, and the KGB report into his death remains secret.

Entwined with Gagarin's history is that of the breathtaking and highly secretive Russian space program - its technological daring, its triumphs and disasters. In a gripping account, Jamie Doran and Piers Bizony reveal the astonishing world behind the scenes of the first great space spectacular, and how Gagarin's flight came frighteningly close to destruction.

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Ethnic and national conflicts have been an unexpected and major source of problems in many parts of the world in recent times. Nowhere more so than in the formerly communist countries. This book provides a readable introduction to, and brief analytical coverage of, all the ethnic disputes of the 1990s. Full justice is done both to complex present-day situations and the deeper roots of ethnic conflict. This is followed by a review and evaluation of the main available explanations.

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Born Lev Davidovich Bronstein in southern Ukraine, Trotsky was both a world-class intellectual and a man capable of the most narrow-minded ideological dogmatism. He was an effective military strategist and an adept diplomat, who staked the fate of the Bolshevik revolution on the meager foundation of a Europe-wide Communist upheaval. He was a master politician who played his cards badly in the momentous struggle for power against Stalin in the 1920s. And he was an assimilated, indifferent Jew who was among the first to foresee that Hitler’s triumph would mean disaster for his fellow European Jews, and that Stalin would attempt to forge an alliance with Hitler if Soviet overtures to the Western democracies failed.

Here, Trotsky emerges as a brilliant and brilliantly flawed man. Rubenstein offers us a Trotsky who is mentally acute and impatient with others, one of the finest students of contemporary politics who refused to engage in the nitty-gritty of party organization in the 1920s, when Stalin was maneuvering, inexorably, toward Trotsky’s own political oblivion.

As Joshua Rubenstein writes in his preface, “Leon Trotsky haunts our historical memory. A preeminent revolutionary figure and a masterful writer, Trotsky led an upheaval that helped to define the contours of twentieth-century politics.” In this lucid and judicious evocation of Trotsky’s life, Joshua Rubenstein gives us an interpretation for the twenty-first century.

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This collection of essays helps uncover various aspects of everyday life during the time of socialism in Yugoslavia, such as leisure, popular culture, consumption, sociability and power. This volume attempts to uncover various aspects of everyday life during the time of socialism in Yugoslavia from 1945 until 1980 (Tito's death), based on accounts of memories of leisure, popular culture, consumption, and sociability, or power, in everyday settings. Research about socialism/communism typically tends to draw attention to official aspects of power and dissent and to state politics rather than to negotiations of state power within the sphere of ordinary life. These histories stress the study of social structures and the political and institutional histories of socialism and tend to presuppose a powerful state and a party with its official ideology on one side, and repressed, manipulated or collaborating citizens on the other side. "This is a highly original project, which will cover a much neglected area, helping those who either did not make it to Yugoslavia in Tito's time or were born too late to understand what life then and there was all about." -Sabrina P. Ramet, Professor of Political Science at The Norwegian University of Science and Technology in Trondheim, Norway "This collection represents an original and highly useful work that helps fill a gap in the existing literature on socialist Yugoslavia and East-Central Europe in the Cold War. It also makes an important contribution to cultural history of the region in the second half of the twentieth century." - Dejan Djokic, Lecturer in Serbian and Croatian Studies, The University of Nottingham "This book focuses on a cultural and social history of socialist Yugoslavia from the perspective of 'ordinary' people and by reconstructing their memories. The contributors, many of them belonging to a new generation of scholars from the former Yugoslavia, employ new approaches in order to make sense of the complicated past of this country."

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Mao and his policies have long been demonized in the West, with the Cultural Revolution considered a fundamental violation of human rights.

As China embraces capitalism, the Mao era is being denigrated by the Chinese political and intellectual elite. This book tackles the extremely negative depiction of China under Mao in recent publications and argues that most people in China, including the rural poor and the urban working class, actually benefited from Mao's policies. Under Mao there was a comprehensive welfare system for the urban poor and basic health and education provision in rural areas. These policies are being reversed in the current rush towards capitalism.

Offering a critical analysis of mainstream accounts of the Mao era and the Cultural Revolution, this book sets the record straight, making a convincing argument for the positive effects of Mao's policies on the well-being of the Chinese people.

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Michael Hogan shows how The Marshall Plan was more than an effort to put American aid behind the economic reconstruction of Europe. American officials hoped to refashion Western Europe into a smaller version of the integrated single-market and mixed capitalist economy that existed in the United States. Professor Hogan's emphasis on integration is part of a major reinterpretation that sees the Marshall Plan as an extension of American domestic and foreign-policy developments stretching back through the interwar period to the Progressive Era.

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Contrary to the expectations of many people, China's recent economic growth has not led to the collapse of the Chinese Communist Party. In fact, the Party has recently carried out a peaceful and orderly transition to the so-called fourth generation of leadership, has revitalised itself, and created a new, younger and better trained cadre corps. Despite this successful transformation, there continue to be many problems that the Party will need to overcome if it is to remain in power, including pressures for democratization in both urban and rural areas, widespread corruption, the emergence of new social groups, and increasing dissatisfaction among workers who seem to be losing out in the present transition process.

The Chinese Communist Party in Reform explores the current state of the Chinese Communist Party and the many challenges that it faces. It considers the dynamics of development in China, the Party organization, recruitment and management, and the Party's role in society more widely. It concludes by examining the prospects for the future of the Party, including whether it will continue to be able to accommodate socio-economic changes within China and pressures from abroad, and the likely nature of its evolution. Overall, this book provides a comprehensive assessment of the internal dynamics of the Chinese Communist Party and its role in Chinese society.

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An extensive revision of the valued but unobtainable 1960 edition. Nearly 300 key documents are now readily available in translation.

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The current transformation of many Eastern European societies is impossible to understand without comprehending the intellectual struggles surrounding nationalism in the region. Anthropologist Katherine Verdery shows how the example of Romania suggests that current ethnic tensions come not from a resurrection of pre-Communist Nationalism but from the strengthening of national ideologies under Communist Party rule.

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  • 11 gru 12 19:14
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Fidel Castro described Salvador Allende's democratic election as president of Chile in 1970 as the most important revolutionary triumph in Latin America after the Cuban revolution. Yet celebrations were short lived. In Washington, the Nixon administration vowed to destroy Allende's left-wing government while Chilean opposition forces mobilized against him. The result was a battle for Chile that ended in 1973 with a right-wing military coup and a brutal dictatorship lasting nearly twenty years.

Tanya Harmer argues that this battle was part of a dynamic inter-American Cold War struggle to determine Latin America's future, shaped more by the contest between Cuba, Chile, the United States, and Brazil than by a conflict between Moscow and Washington. Drawing on firsthand interviews and recently declassified documents from archives in North America, Europe, and South America--including Chile's Foreign Ministry Archive--Harmer provides the most comprehensive account to date of Cuban involvement in Latin America in the early 1970s, Chilean foreign relations during Allende's presidency, Brazil's support for counterrevolution in the Southern Cone, and the Nixon administration's Latin American policies. The Cold War in the Americas, Harmer reveals, is best understood as a multidimensional struggle, involving peoples and ideas from across the hemisphere.

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  • 11 gru 12 19:14
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As the debate about the environmental cost of nuclear power and the issue of nuclear safety continues, a comprehensive assessment of the Chernobyl accident, its long-term environmental consequences and solutions to the problems found, is timely. Although many books have been published which discuss the accident itself and the immediate emergency response in great detail, none have dealt primarily with the environmental issues involved. The authors provide a detailed review of the long-term environmental consequences, in a wide range of ecosystems, many of which are only now becoming apparent. They also highlight responses and counter-measures to combat the environmental consequences and discuss health, social, psychological and economic impacts on the human population as well as the long-term effects on biota.

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  • 11 gru 12 19:14
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Teheran, Jałta, Poczdam. Trzy miasta, trzy konferencje, trzy mocarstwa, Stany Zjednoczone, Wielka Brytania, Związek Radziecki. Prawdziwie Wielka Trójka, której decyzje przyczyniły się do określenia politycznego i gospodarczego wizerunku świata na dziesięciolecia.

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  • 12,3 MB
  • 11 gru 12 19:14
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Bratobójcze walki w Jugosławii doprowadziły do zwycięstwa komunistycznej partyzantki pod przewodnictwem Józefa Broza - "Tity". Pierwsze powojenne lata zaowocowały jednak odstąpieniem kraju od radzieckiego modelu komunizmu, co zaskarbiło Jugosławii opinię państwa-odszczepieńca. Nie znaczyło to bynajmniej, że stała się państwem demokratycznym.

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  • 12,4 MB
  • 11 gru 12 19:14
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Wojna w Grecji nie zakończyła się wraz z opuszczeniem jej przez wojska Wehrmachtu. Walka o władzę między zwolennikami komunizmu a żołnierzami wspierającymi grecki rząd emigracyjny i9 króla Jerzego II przez kilka lat nękała i tak już doświadczony latami okupacji kraj. Wsparcie udzielone przez Wielką Brytanię pozwoliło na rozwiązanie konfliktu i na określenie przyszłego kształtu Hellady.

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  • 12,5 MB
  • 11 gru 12 19:14
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Plan Marshalla, zgodnie z założeniami USA, miał wesprzeć finansowo doświadczoną latami wojny Europę. Ważne miejsce zajmowała w nim odbudowa Niemiec, które - wobec wrastającego napięcia między ZSRR a demokracjami europejskimi - jawić się poczęły jako potencjalna bariera zabezpieczająca przed rozpanoszeniem się komunizmu na Zachodzie.

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  • 12,3 MB
  • 11 gru 12 19:14
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Podział pokonanych Niemiec na strefy okupacyjne wydawał się jedyną gwarancją zapobieżenia powtórzenia się sytuacji z okresu międzywojennego. Czterej alianci nie żywili jednak wzajemnych złudzeń - Moskwa coraz bardziej dążyła do bezwarunkowego podporządkowania sobie podlegającej jej strefy. Aż do przeprowadzenia granicy, która na lata podzieliła Niemcy na dwa wrogo do siebie nastawione państwa.

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SekretarzPartii

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Witam, pozdrawiam i zapraszam do mnie Filmy, ciekawe Filmy Dokumentalne, Seriale, TV Show, Książki, Artykuły, Teledyski, Tapety, Emotki i wiele innych. obrazek
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