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widziany: 7.07.2022 23:22

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Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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  • 11 gru 12 19:14
A fascinating exploration of left-wing culture, this revealing chronicle of Charles H. Kerr and his revolutionary publishing company looks at the remarkable list of books, periodicals and pamphlets that the firm produced and traces the strands of a rich tradition of dissent in America. Tracing Kerr's political development and commitment to radical social change, ''WE CALLED EACH OTHER COMRADE'' also tells the story of the difficulties of exercising the freedom of expression in an often hostile economic and political climate.

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A unique comparative account of the roots of Communist revolution in Russia and China. Steve Smith examines the changing social identities of peasants who settled in St Petersburg from the 1880s to 1917 and in Shanghai from the 1900s to the 1940s. Russia and China, though very different societies, were both dynastic empires with backward agrarian economies that suddenly experienced the impact of capitalist modernity. This book argues that far more happened to these migrants than simply being transformed from peasants into workers. It explores the migrants' identification with their native homes; how they acquired new understandings of themselves as individuals and new gender and national identities. It asks how these identity transformations fed into the wider political, social and cultural processes that culminated in the revolutionary crises in Russia and China, and how the Communist regimes that emerged viewed these transformations in the working classes they claimed to represent

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During Stalin’s lifetime the crimes of his regime were literally unspeakable. More than fifty years after his death, Russia is still coming to terms with Stalinism and the people’s own role in the abuses of the era. During the decades of official silence that preceded the advent of glasnost, Russian writers raised troubling questions about guilt, responsibility, and the possibility of absolution. Through the subtle vehicle of satire, they explored the roots and legacy of Stalinism in forms ranging from humorous mockery to vitriolic diatribe.
Examining works from the 1917 Revolution to the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, Karen L. Ryan reveals how satirical treatments of Stalin often emphasize his otherness, distancing him from Russian culture. Some satirists portray Stalin as a madman. Others show him as feminized, animal-like, monstrous, or diabolical. Stalin has also appeared as the unquiet dead, a spirit that keeps returning to haunt the collective memory of the nation. While many writers seem anxious to exorcise Stalin from the body politic, for others he illuminates the self in disturbing ways. To what degree Stalin was and is “in us” is a central question of all these works. Although less visible than public trials, policy shifts, or statements of apology, Russian satire has subtly yet insistently participated in the protracted process of de-Stalinization.

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When the Bolsheviks seized power in the Soviet Union during 1917, they were suffering from a substantial political legitimacy deficit. Uneasy political foundations meant that cinema became a key part of the strategy to protect the existence of the USSR. Based on extensive archival research, this welcome book examines the interaction between politics and the Soviet cinema industry during the period between Stalin's rise to power and the beginning of the Great Patriotic War. It reveals that film had a central function during those years as an important means of convincing the masses that the regime was legitimate and a bearer of historical truth.

Miller analyzes key films, from the classic musical Circus to the political epic The Great Citizen, and examines the Bolseviks', ultimately failed, attempts to develop a "cinema for the millions." As Denise Youngblood writes, "this work is indispensable reading not only for specialists in Soviet film and culture, but also for anyone interested in the dynamics of cultural production in an authoritarian society."

"Superbly researched and well-written, this fascinating book is the first full-length political history of Soviet cinema during a tumultuous period, the 'long thirties,' 1929-1941." -- Denise Youngblood

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The Conservative Turn tells the story of postwar America’s political evolution through two fascinating figures: Lionel Trilling and Whittaker Chambers. Born at the turn of the twentieth century, they were college classmates who went on to intellectual prominence, sharing the questions, crises, and challenges of their generation.

A spy for the Soviet Union in the 1930s, Chambers became the main witness in the 1948 trial of Alger Hiss, which ended in Hiss’s conviction for perjury. The trial advanced the careers of Richard Nixon and Joseph McCarthy and marked the beginning of the Cold War mood in America. Chambers was also a major conservative thinker, a theorist of the postwar conservative movement.

Meanwhile, in the 1940s and 1950s, the literary critic Trilling wrote important essays that encouraged liberals to disown their radical past and to embrace a balanced maturity. Trilling’s liberal anti-communism was highly influential, culminating politically in the presidency of John F. Kennedy.

Kimmage argues that the divergent careers of these two men exemplify important developments in postwar American politics: the emergence of modern conservatism and the rise of moderate liberalism, crucially shaped by anti-communism. Taken together, these developments constitute a conservative turn in American political and intellectual life—a turn that continues to shape America’s political landscape.

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The duo that crafted the bestselling Wittgenstein's Poker returns to chronicle "the most notorious chess duel in history," the 1972 match between world champion Boris Spassky and challenger Bobby Fischer. Although the competition has achieved iconic status, Edmonds and Eidinow do an excellent job of making the story fresh, recreating the atmosphere of controversy that surrounded both players long before they met in Reykjavik, not to mention the extraordinary hurdles tournament organizers faced in getting the already eccentric Fischer to even show up, which ultimately required a phone call from Henry Kissinger and prize money put up by an English millionaire. Fischer's troubling personality is a matter of common knowledge, but the thawing of the Cold War enables the authors to flesh out the Soviet side of the story, offering a fuller perspective on the friction between the rebellious grandmaster and Communist officials, and revelations about the very active presence of the KGB during the games, while debunking other rumors about plots to poison or brainwash Spassky. (Declassified FBI files also present groundbreaking information about Fischer and his family.) The actual chess has been analyzed to death elsewhere, so the authors don't delve into the games' details much except when the players made horrendous blunders, which segue into the underlying focus on psychology, addressing Fischer's ability to get away with bullying officials into meeting his exacting demands and Spassky's loss of confidence over the course of the match. Even if you think you know the story, this highly entertaining account will surprise and delight.

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Ideology is one of the most controversial terms in the political vocabulary, exciting both revulsion and inspiration. This book examines the reasons for those views, and explains why ideologies deserve respect as a major form of political thinking. It investigates the centrality of ideology both as a political phenomenon and as an organizing framework of political thought and action. It explores the changing understandings of ideology as a concept, and the arguments of the main ideologies. By employing the latest insights from a range of disciplines, the reader is introduced to the vitality and force of a crucial resource at the disposal of societies, through which sense and purpose is assigned to the political world.

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Ta książka nie ma pretensji naukowych ani publicystycznych, ani dziennikarskich. Ma pretensje literackie. Mimo to nie jest ani beletrystyką, ani literackim esejem. Jest ona pamfletem na komunizm, zamierzonym przejaskrawieniem istniejącej rzeczywistości. Uważam komunizm za najgorszą plagę, jaka spotkała ludzkość, i żywię głęboką nadzieję, że książka ta odzwierciedla moje uczucia w odpowiednim stopniu. Pojawia się więc pytanie: dla kogo książka ta została napisana? Oczywiście, jest ona dla ludzi spoza komunizmu. Być może, iż wysiłek jej napisania był bezcelowy, albowiem wydaje mi się, że nie można zrozumieć tego, co jest tam, nie żyjąc tam. Życie tam polega w jakiś sposób na niemożliwości życia.

z chomika katakana

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A comparative analysis of the process of public sector transition from central planning to market democracy. It is the story of the difficulties and complexities of moving to a system of greater autonomy for the subnational governments of the Czech and Slovak Republics, including the future of these two governments’ fiscal policies after the global recession.

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Sutton studied at the universities of London, Goettingen and California and received his D.Sc. degree from University of Southampton, England. He was an economics professor at California State University Los Angeles and a research fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution from 1968 to 1973. During his time at the Hoover Institution he wrote the major study Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development (in three volumes), arguing that the West played a major role in developing the Soviet Union from its very beginnings up until the present time (1970). Sutton argued that the Soviet Union's technological and manufacturing base—which was then engaged in supplying the Viet Cong – was built by United States corporations and largely funded by US taxpayers. Steel and iron plants, the GAZ automobile factory – a Ford subsidiary, located in eastern Russia – and many other Soviet industrial enterprises were, according to Sutton, built with the help or technical assistance of the United States or U.S. corporations. He argued further that the Soviet Union's acquisition of MIRV technology was made possible by receiving (from U.S. sources) machining equipment for the manufacture of precision ball bearings, necessary to mass-produce MIRV-enabled missiles.

In 1973 Sutton published a popularized, condensed version of the three volumes called National Suicide: Military Aid to the Soviet Union, and was thereby[citation needed] forced out of the Hoover Institution. His conclusion from his research on the issue was that the conflicts of the Cold War were "not fought to restrain communism", since the United States, through financing the Soviet Union "directly or indirectly armed both sides in at least Korea and Vietnam"; rather, these wars were organised in order "to generate multibillion-dollar armaments contracts".

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Sutton's next three major published books Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler and Wall Street and FDR detailed Wall Street's involvement in the Bolshevik Revolution (in order to destroy Russia as an economic competitor and turn into "a captive market and a technical colony to be exploited by a few high-powered American financiers and the corporations under their control") as well as its decisive contributions to the rise of Adolf Hitler and Franklin Delano Roosevelt, whose policies he assessed as being essentially the same, namely "corporate socialism" planned by the big corporations. Sutton concluded that this was all part of the economical power elites' "long-range program of nurturing collectivism" and fostering "corporate socialism" in order to ensure "monopoly acquisition of wealth", because it "would fade away if it were exposed to the activity of a free market".[4] In his view, the only solution to prevent such abuse in the future was that "a majority of individuals declares or acts as if it wants nothing from government, declares it will look after its own welfare and interests", or specifically that "a majority finds the moral courage and the internal fortitude to reject the something-for-nothing con game and replace it by voluntary associations, voluntary communes, or local rule and decentralized societies". In Sutton's own words he was "persecuted but never prosecuted" for his research and subsequent publication of his findings.

In the early 1980s, Sutton used a combination of public-domain information on Skull and Bones, and previously unreleased documents sent to him by Charlotte Iserbyt, whose father was in the Order[5] to infer that it played an important role in coordinating the political and economic relationships underlying the historical events he wrote of in his previous works. He published his findings as America's Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of Skull and Bones – which, according to Sutton, was his most important work.

In his book, Between Two Ages: America's Role in the Technetronic Era (New York: Viking Press;1970), Zbigniew Brzezinski wrote:

For impressive evidence of Western participation in the early phase of Soviet economic growth, see Antony C. Sutton's Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development: 1917–1930, which argues that 'Soviet economic development for 1917–1930 was essentially dependent on Western technological aid' (p.283), and that 'at least 95 per cent of the industrial structure received this assistance.' (p. 348).

Professor Richard Pipes, of Harvard, said in his book, Survival Is Not Enough: Soviet Realities and America's Future (Simon & Schuster;1984):

In his three-volume detailed account of Soviet Purchases of Western Equipment and Technology ..." Sutton comes to conclusions that are uncomfortable for many businessmen and economists. For this reason his work tends to be either dismissed out of hand as 'extreme' or, more often, simply ignored.

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Bibliography

Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development: 1917–1930 (1968)
Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development: 1930–1945 (1971)
Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development: 1945–1965 (1973)
National Suicide: Military Aid to the Soviet Union (1973)
What Is Libertarianism? (1973)
Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution (1974, 1999) (Online version) (Online Russian version)
Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler (1976, 1999) (Online version)
Wall Street and FDR (1976, 1999) (Online version)
The War on Gold: How to Profit from the Gold Crisis (1977)
Energy: The Created Crisis (1979)
The Diamond Connection: A manual for investors (1979)
Trilaterals Over Washington – Volume I (1979; with Patrick M. Wood)
Trilaterals Over Washington – Volume II (1980; with Patrick M. Wood)
Gold vs Paper: A cartoon history of inflation (1981)
Investing in Platinum Metals (1982)
Technological Treason: A catalog of U.S. firms with Soviet contracts, 1917–1982 (1982)
America's Secret Establishment: An Introduction to the Order of Skull & Bones (1983, 1986, 2002) (Online version)Back up online [1]
How the Order Creates War and Revolution (1985) (Online Russian version)
How the Order Controls Education (1985)
The Best Enemy Money Can Buy (1986) (Online version)
The Two Faces of George Bush (1988)
The Federal Reserve Conspiracy (1995) (Online Russian version (as Vlast' dollara))
Trilaterals Over America (1995) (Online version) (Online Russian version)
Cold Fusion: Secret Energy Revolution (1997)
Gold For Survival (1999)

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Since the end of the Cold War, more and more countries feature political regimes that are neither liberal democracies nor closed authoritarian systems. Most research on these hybrid regimes focuses on how elites manipulate elections to stay in office, but in places as diverse as Bolivia, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Serbia, Thailand, Ukraine, and Venezuela, protest in the streets has been at least as important as elections in bringing about political change. The Politics of Protest in Hybrid Regimes builds on previously unpublished data and extensive fieldwork in Russia to show how one high-profile hybrid regime manages political competition in the workplace and in the streets. More generally, the book develops a theory of how the nature of organizations in society, state strategies for mobilizing supporters, and elite competition shape political protest in hybrid regimes.

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W pierwszych dniach czerwca 1919 roku Agar, podporucznik rezerwy Royal Navy J. Sindall, midszypmen (później ppor.) J. Hampsheir, midszypmen (później ppor.) R.N. Marshall, mechanicy Beelcy i Piper oraz CMB nr 4 i nr 7, znaleźli się w Terioki, tuż nad granicą fińsko-sowiecką.

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In his monograph, Prof. Alfred Erich Senn reconstructs the last years of the modern Lithuanian state: from the secret protocols of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which constituted the background for the Red Army occupation of Lithuania, until the formal annexation of Lithuania by the USSR. This well-known story is told originally and interestingly. The author uses a lot of historical literature and plenty of new archival materials from Lithuanian, Russian, American and Latvian archives.

The author had been provoked to make this research by the assertion of officials that Lithuania became a part of the USSR not by force, but by self-determination. This position practically reintroduces a version of the Soviet historiographic claim about socialist revolution in Lithuania in 1940. Senn’s main counterargument is that the whole political process was orchestrated by Moscow’s proconsul Vladimir Dekanozov (the “Revolution from above”) after the occupation of Lithuania on June 15, 1940. Consequently the argumentation about the self-determination of Lithuania collapses like a house of cards.

On the other hand, the author gives a stunning picture of how the Lithuanian state disintegrated with the collapse of Smetona’s authoritarian regime (like a “house of cards”, too), influenced by social and ethnic conflicts. Even a heretical question could be raised – were there other elements of statehood in Lithuania apart from the authoritarian regime of Smetona? Supplementary questions remain open: What was the balance between expansion and security motives in Stalin’s policy? Is it possible to identify in the Kremlin’s decisions some differences between the sovietization and the incorporation of Lithuania? The last question is probably the most intriguing, and some details given in the book indicate that such differences existed (pp. 120–121, 125). However the author himself unfortunately rejects such a possibility (p. 124). The question remains open for further scholarly research, though at an ideological level the quarrel about the “zero sum” balance still is up-to-date.

Nonetheless, Senn’s main idea is connected with the revolution that took place in Lithuania in 1940. Although the author uses the term “revolution” with the adjective “from above,” it is very questionable whether it is possible to separate the revolutions “from above” and “from below”. The question does not aim at a scholarly definition; to the contrary, it refers back to the Lithuanian “collective memory” which, according to Senn, was “fractionalized into antagonistic sections” by the Soviet invasion: aside from the issue of the socialist revolution in 1940, another version indicates that the Resistance movement came into being just on June 15, 1940 (pp. 3–4).

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So the magnificat outcome in Senn’s book is that Smetona’s rotten regime determined revolution. As Smetona’s regime collapsed, the emerging revolutionary forces were immediately subdued by Dekanozov’s juggernaut and consequently they became as illegal as the incorporation. The paradox is that only Smetona’s regime henchmen preserved legality. The repercussions of that situation still are alive. Possibly Senn’s study could soften the deformations caused by the Revolution from above.

zachomikowany

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Does democracy promote the creation of market economies and robust state institutions? Do state-building and market-building go hand in hand? Or do they work at cross-purposes? This book examines the relationship between state-building and market-building in 25 post-communist countries from 1990 to 2004. Based on cross-national statistical analyses, surveys of business managers, and case studies from Russia, Bulgaria, Poland, and Uzbekistan, Timothy Frye demonstrates that democracy is associated with more economic reform, stronger state institutions, and higher social transfers when political polarization is low. But he also finds that increases in political polarization dampen the positive impact of democracy by making policy less predictable. He traces the roots of political polarization to high levels of income inequality and the institutional legacy of communist rule. By identifying when and how democracy fosters markets and states, this work contributes to long-standing debates in comparative politics, public policy, and post-communist studies.

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