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  • 11 cze 13 9:46
In this book author tells the stories of fathers who have embraced caregiving and egalitarian marriages, explore the hopes and ideals that inform their choices, and analyze economic and social developments that have made their choices possible. A revealing look at stay-at-home fatherhood—for men, their families, and for American society

It’s a growing phenomenon among American families: fathers who cut back on paid work to focus on raising children. But what happens when dads stay home? What do stay-at-home fathers struggle with—and what do they rejoice in? How does taking up the mother’s traditional role affect a father’s relationship with his partner, children, and extended family? And what does stay-at-home fatherhood mean for the larger society?

In chapters that alternate between large-scale analysis and intimate portraits of men and their families, journalist Jeremy Adam Smith traces the complications, myths, psychology, sociology, and history of a new set of social relationships with far-reaching implications. As the American economy faces its greatest crisis since the Great Depression, Smith reveals that many mothers today have the ability to support families and fathers are no longer narrowly defined by their ability to make money—they have the capacity to be caregivers as well.

The result, Smith argues, is a startling evolutionary advance in the American family, one that will help families better survive the twenty-first century. As Smith explains, stay-at-home dads represent a logical culmination of fifty years of family change, from a time when the idea of men caring for children was literally inconceivable, to a new era when at-home dads are a small but growing part of the landscape. Their numbers and cultural importance will continue to rise—and Smith argues that they must rise, as the unstable, global, creative, technological economy makes flexible gender roles both more possible and more desirable.

But the stories of real people form the heart of this book: couples from every part of the country and every walk of life. They range from working class to affluent, and they are black, white, Asian, and Latino. We meet Chien, who came to Kansas City as a refugee from the Vietnam War and today takes care of a growing family; Kent, a midwestern dad who nursed his son through life-threatening disabilities (and Kent’s wife, Misun, who has never doubted for a moment that breadwinning is the best thing she can do for her family); Ta-Nehisi, a writer in Harlem who sees involved fatherhood as "the ultimate service to black people"; Michael, a gay stay-at-home dad in Oakland who enjoys a profoundly loving and egalitarian partnership with his husband; and many others. Through their stories, we discover that as America has evolved and diversified, so has fatherhood.

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  • 11 cze 13 9:46
The first half of the book describes the Polish armed forces from the reformation of Poland after WWI up to the outbreak of WWII. The book describes in detail the difficulties faced by the armed forces, mainly the army, in establishing and maintaining a viable armed force in the face of two potential enemies, Germany and the Soviet Union.
The second half of the book examines the actual September campaign itself. It points out that due to pressure from her allies, Poland had not fully mobilized her armed forces when the Germans attacked. This meant that the Polish army was more outnumbered than even the raw imbalance in the number of divisions suggests.

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  • 11 cze 13 9:46
Dla większości interesujących się historią polskiego przemysłu, marka „Ursus” jednoznacznie kojarzy się z wieloma typami produkowanych od roku 1947 ciągników rolniczych i metalurgią. Mało kto jednak pamięta, że tak nazywały się wytwarzane od roku 1928 metodami przemysłowymi pierwsze polskie samochody ciężarowe produkowane na licencji włoskiej firmy SPA. Przedstawione w książce fakty i zachowane w archiwach ZPC Ursus fotografie są świadectwem wkładu czechowickiej fabryki w proces motoryzacji odradzającego się kraju, genezę samochodów „Ursus”, jak również rozwój ich konstrukcji będący udziałem polskiej kadry technicznej. Obszerna część opracowania skierowana jest dla pasjonatów techniki samochodowej, którzy znajdą tu liczne opisy, rysunki i schematy często niespotykanych już dziś rozwiązań. W książce przedstawiono również zdjęcia opancerzonego samochodu Ursus wz. 29.

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  • 11 cze 13 9:46
On January 20, 2009, a few hundred men, women, and children gathered under trees in the twilight at K’obama, a village on the shores of Lake Victoria in western Kenya. Barack Obama’s rise to the American presidency had captivated people around the world, but members of this gathering took a special pride in the swearing in of America’s first black president, for they were all Obamas, all the president’s direct African family.

In the first in-depth history of the Obama family, Peter Firstbrook recounts a journey that starts in a mud hut by the White Nile and ends seven centuries later in the White House. Interweaving oral history and tribal lore, interviews with Obama family members and other Kenyans, the writings of Kenyan historians, and original genealogical research, Firstbrook sets the fascinating story of the president’s family against the background of Kenya’s rich culture and complex history.

He tells the story of farmers and fishermen, of healers and hunters, of families lost and found, establishing for the first time the early ancestry of the Obamas. From the tribe’s cradleland in southern Sudan, he follows the family generation by generation, tracing the paths of the famous Luo warriors—Obama’s direct ancestors—and vividly illuminating Luo politics, society, and traditions.

Firstbrook also brings to life the impact of English colonization in Africa through the eyes of President Obama’s grandfather Onyango. An ambitious and disciplined man who fought in two world wars, witnessed the bloody Mau Mau insurrection, and saw his country gain independence from white rule, Onyango was also hot-tempered and autocratic: family lore has it that President Obama’s grandmother abandoned the family after Onyango attempted to murder her. And Firstbrook delves into the troubled life of Obama’s father, a promising young man whose aspirations were stymied by post-independence tribal politics and a rash tendency toward self-destruction—two factors that his family believes contributed to his death in 1982. They say it was no accident, as described in the president’s memoirs, but rather a politically motivated hit job.

More than a tale of love and war, hardship and hard-won success, The Obamas reveals a family history—epic in scope yet intimate in feel—that is truly without precedent.

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In this unprecedented study, Hamid Dabashi provides a critical examination of the role that immigrant 'comprador intellectuals' play in facilitating the global domination of American imperialism.In his pioneering book about the relationship between race and colonialism, "Black Skin, White Masks", Frantz Fanon explored the traumatic consequences of the sense of inferiority that colonized people felt, and how this often led them to identify with the ideology of the colonial agency. "Brown Skin, White Masks" picks up where Frantz Fanon left off. Dabashi extends Fanon's insights as they apply to today's world.Dabashi shows how intellectuals who migrate to the West are often used by the imperial power to inform on their home countries. Just as many Iraqi exiles were used to justify the invasion of Iraq, Dabashi demonstrates that this is a common phenomenon, and examines why and how so many immigrant intellectuals help to sustain imperialism.The book radically alters Edward Said's notion of the 'intellectual exile', in order to show the negative impact of intellectual migration. Dabashi examines the ideology of cultural superiority, and provides a passionate account of how these immigrant intellectuals - homeless compradors, and guns for hire - continue to betray any notion of home or country in order to manufacture consent for imperial projects.

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The Chieftains' fourth album, one of their all-time best, marked a turning point in the band's career. The addition of harper Derek Bell, who appears here as a guest artist but later joined the band as a full-time member, fulfilled Paddy Moloney's original notion of what the Chieftains should sound like. Bell's harp moved the band away from folk to an almost classical sound on occasion, but it also linked them to an instrumental tradition that stretched back more than a thousand years. The Chieftains still play the dance tunes with verve, but on tracks such as "Morgan Magan," "Carrickfergus," which the band later recorded with Van Morrison on Irish Heartbeat, and "The Tip of the Whistle," the band finds a more lyrical mode than on their previous recordings. This 1973 recording also introduced the band to the movie world when filmmaker Stanley Kubrick became entranced by the haunting air "Mna Na Heireann" and used it on the soundtrack for Barry Lyndon. (The Chieftains 4 is also available as part of the box set From the Beginning: The Chieftains 1 to 4.) --Michael Simmons

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“The revolution will be Twittered!” declared journalist Andrew Sullivan after protests erupted in Iran in June 2009. Yet for all the talk about the democratizing power of the internet, regimes in Iran and China are as stable and repressive as ever. In fact, authoritarian governments are effectively using the internet to suppress free speech, hone their surveillance techniques, disseminate cutting-edge propaganda, and pacify their populations with digital entertainment. Could the recent Western obsession with promoting democracy by digital means backfire?

In this spirited book, journalist and social commentator Evgeny Morozov shows that by falling for the supposedly democratizing nature of the Internet, Western do-gooders may have missed how it also entrenches dictators, threatens dissidents, and makes it harder—not easier—to promote democracy. Marshaling compelling evidence, he shows why we must stop thinking of the Internet and social media as inherently liberating and why highly ambitious and seemingly noble initiatives like the promotion of “Internet freedom” might have disastrous implications for the future of democracy as a whole.

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The collapse of America’s credit markets in 2008 is quite possibly the biggest financial disaster in U.S. history. Confidence Game: How a Hedge Fund Manager Called Wall Street’s Bluff is the story of Bill Ackman's six-year campaign to warn that the $2.5 trillion bond insurance business was a catastrophe waiting to happen. Branded a fraud by the Wall Street Journal and the New York Times and investigated by Eliot Spitzer and the Securities and Exchange Commission, Ackman later made his investors more than $1 billion when bond insurers kicked off the collapse of the credit markets.
Unravels the story of the credit crisis through an engaging and human drama
Draws on unprecedented access to one of Wall Street's best-known investors
Shows how excessive leverage, dangerous financial models and a blind reliance on triple-A credit ratings sent Wall Street careening toward disaster

Confidence Game is a real-world "Emperor's New Clothes," a tale of widespread delusion and one dissenting voice in the era leading up to the worst financial disaster since the Great Deion.

Christine Richard is a reporter with Bloomberg News whose work has been recognized by The New York Club and The Newswomen’s Club of New York.

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  • 11 cze 13 9:46
Adbusters is a magazine that attacks the culture of consumerism by turning its own tactics against it--employing the glossy tactics of advertising to encourage people to take part in "Buy Nothing Day" and "TV Turnoff Week." Culture Jam takes the revolution to another level, as the magazine's publisher, Kalle Lasn, issues a call to arms to "the advance shock troops of the most significant social movement" of the early 21st century. Dissatisfied with the results of both academic and mainstream liberalism and feminism, Lasn harks back to the situationist roots of the 1968 Paris uprisings, a brief moment when it seemed possible that men and women might be able to wholly re-create not only their own lives but society as well.

That revolution stumbled and fell, however, and Lasn views contemporary existence as one in which people have almost entirely succumbed to the cultural mandates of consumer capitalism, turning to corporations for guidance about how to look and what to desire. He offers several tips on how you can "demarket your life," including talking back to telemarketers and intensified boycotts (want to strike a blow against tobacco giant Philip Morris? Stop buying Maxwell House coffees, Kraft dairy products, Post cereals, and Miller beer). Lasn also pushes for the return of corporations to a subordinate role in people's lives, citing the 1886 U.S. Supreme Court decision that rendered corporations "natural persons" in the eyes of the law as a horrendous miscarriage of justice that must be overturned. (One of his biggest targets is media conglomerates who are able to disseminate their ideology throughout the information spectrum; in an ironic twist of fate, perhaps, the publisher of Culture Jam became a division of Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation scant months before the book's release.)

Culture Jam is an extreme book--among its declarations: "consumer capitalism is by its very nature unethical"--and Lasn's reasoning is not without flaws. One of the weak links in his argument is his insistence that, because none of the major television networks will allow him to purchase airtime for his "subverts," there is "no democracy on the airwaves" and his freedom of speech is being denied. The First Amendment says only that "Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech"; it says nothing about what he deems the "right to communicate ... through any media." On the other hand, he also raises a more plausible line of attack--since it's the government that grants broadcasters access to the airwaves, citizens should press for more say in how broadcast licenses are distributed. But whatever the book's excesses, Lasn is driven by a righteous anger--and Culture Jam may likely convince you, too, that the models of material success presented to us are not only inadequate to true happiness, they must be overturned.

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Journalist and radio host Goodman brings her hard-hitting, no-holds-barred brand of reporting to an array of human rights, government accountability and media responsibility issues, and the result is bracing and timely. Goodman isn't about to let anyone slide by with easy explanations, not even then President Clinton when he called in on her daily Pacifica news show. And she is fierce and tireless in her commitment to dig behind official versions of the facts to get to very different stories. Her analysis of Iraq War contracts won by certain key Bush campaign donors will open many eyes, not only with its neat comparison of donation amount with contract value but also with its bold presentation of "Crony Connections." A gadfly's life in these turbulent times is neither restful nor boring, and Goodman's perspective on events like genocidal massacres in East Timor and mainstream coverage of the Jessica Lynch rescue is both important and alarming. Instances in which newspapers like the New York Times and the Washington Post have published stories based on leaked reports from unnamed government sources only to have to retract the stories later as being unfounded allow Goodman to argue that sophisticated news management techniques of spin, disinformation and controlled access to sources are undermining the reliability of media reporting. How, she asks, could journalists "embedded" with U.S. troops in Iraq be objective reporters of all that was occurring there, and whose interests were being served? These and other provocative questions power Goodman's stirring call for a democratic media serving a democratic society.

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For several decades, cultural imperialism has been the dominant paradigm for conceptualizing, labeling, predicting, and explaining the effects of international television. It has been used as an unchallenged premise for numerous essays on the topic of imported television influence, despite the fact that the assumption of strong cultural influence is not necessarily reflected in the body of research that exists within this field of study. In The Impact of International Television: A Paradigm Shift, editor Michael G. Elasmar and his contributors challenge the dominant paradigm of cultural imperialism, and offer an alternative paradigm with which to evaluate international or crossborder message influence.

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George Bradford's latest collection of scale drawings of armoured fighting vehicles focuses on the years from World War I to the eve of World War II, a period of fast-paced AFV development around the world. The volume is filled with detailed diagrams of more than 100 vehicles from Britain, Czechoslovakia, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Poland, Romania, the Soviet Union, and the United States.

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A broadly interdisciplinary study of the pervasive secrecy in America cultural, political, and religious discourse. The occult has traditionally been understood as the study of secrets of the practice of mysticism or magic. This book broadens our understanding of the occult by treating it as a rhetorical phenomenon tied to language and symbols and more central to American culture than is commonly assumed.
Joshua Gunn approaches the occult as an idiom, examining the ways in which acts of textual criticism and interpretation are occultic in nature, as evident in practices as diverse as academic scholarship, Freemasonry, and television production. Gunn probes, for instance, the ways in which jargon employed by various social and professional groups creates barriers and fosters secrecy. From the theory wars of cultural studies to the Satanic Panic that swept the national mass media in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Gunn shows how the paradox of a hidden, buried, or secret meaning that cannot be expressed in language appears time and time again in Western culture. These recurrent patterns, Gunn argues, arise from a generalized, popular anxiety about language and its limitations. Ultimately, Modern Occult Rhetoric demonstrates the indissoluble relationship between language, secrecy, and publicity, and the centrality of suspicion in our daily lives.

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A distinguished group of historians and political theorists examine the complex relationship between nineteenth-century democracy, nationalism, and authoritarianism, paying especial attention to the careers of Napoleon I and III, and of Bismarck. An important contribution of the book is to consider not only the momentous episodes of coup d'etat, revolution, and imperial foundation which the Napoleonic era heralded, but also the contested political language with which these events were described and assessed. Political thinkers were faced with a battery of new terms - 'Bonapartism', 'Caesarism', and 'Imperialism' among them - with which to make sense of their era. As well as documenting the political history of a revolutionary age, the book examines a series of thinkers - Tocqueville, Marx, Max Weber, Antonio Gramsci, Carl Schmitt, and Hannah Arendt - who articulated and helped to reshare our sense of the political.

Contents:
Part I. Bonapartism to Its Contemporaries: 1. From consulate to empire: impetus and resistance Isser Woloch; 2. The Bonapartes and Germany T. C. W. Blanning; 3. Prussian conservatives and the problem of Bonapartism David E. Barclay; 4. Tocqueville and French nineteenth-century conceptualizations of the two Bonapartes and their empires Melvin Richter; 5. Marx and Brumaire Terrell Carver; 6. Bonapartism as the progenitor of democracy: the paradoxical case of the French Second Empire Sudhir Hazareesingh; Part II. Bonapartism, Caesarism, Totalitarianism: Twentieth-Century Experiences and Reflections: 7. Max Weber and the avatars of Caesarism Peter Baehr; 8. The concept of Caesarism in Gramsci Benedetto Fontana; 9. From constitutional technique to Caesarist ploy: Carl Schmitt on dictatorship, liberalism and emergency powers John P. McCormick; 10. Bonapartist and Gaullist heroic leadership: comparing crisis appeals to an impersonated people Jack Hayward; 11. The leader and the masses: Hannah Arendt on totalitarianism and dictatorship Margaret Canovan; Part III. Ancient Resonances: 12. Dictatorship in Rome Claude Nicolet; 13. From the historical Caesar to the spectre of Caesarism: the imperial administrator as internal threat Arthur M. Eckstein.

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This study of propaganda examines the subject in depth, from ancient Mesopotamia to the post-Cold War age. Taylor argues that propaganda is a much misunderstood activity and he challenges the notion of propaganda as an inevitable force of evil.

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Since World War II, the American West has become the nation’s military arsenal, proving ground, and disposal site. Through a wide-ranging discussion of recent literature produced in and about the West, Dirty Wars explores how the region’s iconic landscapes, invested with myths of national virtue, have obscured the West’s crucial role in a post–World War II age of “permanent war.”
In readings of western—particularly southwestern—literature, John Beck provides a historically informed account of how the military-industrial economy, established to protect the United States after Pearl Harbor, has instead produced western waste lands and “waste populations” as the enemies and collateral casualties of a permanent state of emergency. Beck offers new readings of writers such as Cormac McCarthy, Leslie Marmon Silko, Don DeLillo, Rebecca Solnit, Julie Otsuka, and Terry Tempest Williams. He also draws on a variety of sources in history, political theory, philosophy, environmental studies, and other fields. Throughout Dirty Wars, he identifies resonances between different experiences and representations of the West that allow us to think about internment policies, the manufacture of atomic weapons, the culture of Cold War security, border policing, and toxic pollution as part of a broader program of a sustained and invasive management of western space.

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China is now the global counting house, trading Western debt and cashing Western obligations – financially, socially and diplomatically. By 'buying' its own democratic electorate with easy credit, the West has ceded power to the Chinese.

China's primary goal, however, is internal stability and external security, aiming neither for international dominance nor military confrontation. Its governing Party has a national mandate – of, by and for the people – a main street mandate for a resurgent China.

Mackinnon and Powell show how China is determining its destiny. This book interprets China's policy of gradual global expansion and the alternatives it offers to open capitalism and liberal democracy. It sifts constants from variables to reveal a China positioning itself for recognition as an equal.

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