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Kobieta

widziany: 28.12.2018 19:24

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They're all there, starting with Anthony Joseph Accardo (1906-1992), the Chicago mob leader known as Tony to crime pals, Mr. Accardo to underlings, Joe Batters to his subordinates, and as "having more brains before breakfast than Al Capone had all day" to syndicate supporters, and working through the alphabet to Abner "Longy" Zwillman (1899-1959), a crime-syndicate founder and New Jersey boss, one of the most feared of the Jewish Mafia, known as the "Al Capone of new Jersey," and much revered for his love affair with Jean Harlow.
Between Accardo and Zwillman, Carl Sifakis explores the lives, reputations, exploits, and subcultures of more than 450 Mafia perpetrators and personalities. Sifakis describes the individuals, codes of behavior, misdeeds, legal scrapes, rivalries, and flamboyant lifestyles associated with the world of organized crime--an entity whose existence J. Edgar Hoover denied for 30 years. Sifakis's research is thorough, and his subjects are nefarious and riveting. It's his feel for storytelling, however, that makes his encyclopedia so enjoyable. He writes about infamous characters such as Al Capone (who felt his bootlegging was merely a public service) and John Gotti (a.k.a. the Teflon Don, who's now serving a life sentence) as well as the Mafia Social Clubs, Donnie Brasco (the FBI agent who infiltrated the mob and sent more than 100 mobsters to prison), and the importance of slot machines to the post-Prohibition welfare of organized crime.

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News stories remind us almost daily that anti-American opinion is rampant in every corner of the globe. Journalists, scholars, and politicians alike reinforce the perception that anti-Americanism is an entrenched sentiment in many foreign countries. Political scientist Giacomo Chiozza challenges this conventional wisdom, arguing that foreign public opinion about the U.S. is much more diverse and nuanced than is generally believed.Chiozza examines the character, source, and persistence of foreign attitudes toward the United States. His findings are based on worldwide public opinion databases that surveyed anti-American sentiment in Islamic countries, Europe, Latin America, , and East Asia. Data compiled from responses in a wide range of categories -- including politics, wealth, science and technology, popular culture, and education -- indicate that anti-American sentiments vary widely across these geographic regions.

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The Supreme Court of the United States is an illustrated A-to-Z guide that covers virtually all aspects of the U.S. Supreme Court, including biographical articles on all of the Justices, summaries and analysis of key decisions of the Court, articles on legal terms and statutes associated with the day-to-day operations of the court, the history of the Court, and essays on major Constitutional issues. The second edition includes new articles on major cases decided since the publication of the first edition in 1993, including Clinton v. City of New York (1998, concerning the Line Item Veto Act), Agonstini v. Felton (1997, concerning the separation of church and state), and Reno v. American Civil Liberties Union (1997, regarding the government regulation of mass-media communications). There are also new general articles on African Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Women in the Judicial branch. Illustrations include portraits, cartoons, and Supreme Court memorabilia. Articles are cross-referenced with suggestions for further reading listed at the end of each article as we as at the end of the book. An extensive list of Supreme Court-related websites now supplements the further reading.

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Will the "best practices" of schools in Scotland work in South Africa? Are PTAs, a mainstay of American school governance, as valuable in European countries? Who decides and why? The globalization of educational policy has become a popular, if not ubiquitous, phenomenon among educational policymakers across the world. In this volume, Steiner-Khamsi and her colleagues provide an in-depth empirical and critical examination of the practice of global educational policy. Contributors question the value of importing and exporting educational policies, analyze who benefits from these arrangements, and test the effectiveness of adapting one country's policies in other (often quite culturally distinct) countries. The book investigates how global policies have been implemented locally, and examines the extent to which they work in diverse locales. Steiner-Khamsi and her colleagues also examine the role and practices of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), multilateral organizations, and the World Bank in fostering how educational policies are disseminated and adapted across national and cultural boundaries.

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In this fascinating account, the author examines the politics of federal education policy through the lens of the most recent reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA). Using the epic battle that spanned two Congresses and two presidential administrations, this book illustrates the new dynamics of political interactions and policy formulation as they affect public education issues. Highlighting the polarization between the two parties and how it affected the outcome of the bill, this book:
* Explains why President Bush succeeded in passing an expansive education bill, No Child Left Behind, and President Clinton failed to do so.
* Describes the changing institutional relationships and shows why practitioner groups were largely left out of the process.
* Reveals how leaders in the House and Senate were able to compromise on provisions like testing, choice, and accountability.
* Reframes the analysis of the changed political and institutional environment in which education policy decisions will be made in the new century.

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During the Cold War, owing to opposing grand strategies, the two states frequently found themselves at odds. With the end of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet Union, Indo-US security cooperation started in a fitful fashion, but in recent years it has acquired considerable stability. The armed forces of the two states have participated in exercises on land, sea and air and have also carried out joint humanitarian missions. Drawing on new information and with contributions from both academics and policy makers, this wide-ranging volume analyzes the strategic convergence of the world’s two largest democracies, whilst explaining why important differences do remain. These notably include questions pertaining to the future of India’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs, US-Pakistan ties and India’s links with Iran.

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The second edition of the Rough Guide to the Grand Canyon will explore the stunning natural attraction and the surrounding area in its entirety, from the ruggedly beautiful inner canyon and the famous viewpoints of the North and South rims to the turquoise waters of Havasu Falls and the lively gateway town of Flagstaff. The guide has extensive listings of all the best lodges and campgrounds, in and around the canyon, plus details of all the top places to eat and drink, to suit every budget. This expanded edition also includes a 16-page, full-colour introduction highlighting all the ''things-not-to-miss'', plus two brand-new, 4-page, full-colour inserts: ''Best hikes'' and ''Best viewpoints''. The guide takes a detailed look at the canyon''s background from the native peoples to it''s geology and wildlife with maps and plans for the entire region.

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According to Rosen (Popcorn Venus), Sam Walton's retail empire—currently facing criticism for inadequate wages, sexual discrimination, predatory pricing and pernicious environmental and overseas practices—is the largest and most controversial U.S. corporation. Bethany Moreton's recent and enlightening To Serve God and Wal-Mart notes that Wal-Mart plays a conspicuous role in recent transformations in American business, consumer and labor practices and their global cultural consequences. Rosen agrees, but she has come to praise, not bury, the international giant, and her far too circumscribed profile—focusing on the hometown headquarters in Bentonville, Ark., and the surrounding boom region it influences—emphasizes Wal-Mart's character as a generous, surprisingly good neighbor and engine of multiculturalism, incorporating Hindus, Muslims, Jews, African-Americans, Marshall Islanders and Latinos into white-bread Bible Belt communities. Rosen glosses over employee complaints, lawsuits and informed critiques of Wal-Mart's operation and conservative brand of Christian entrepreneurialism with the savvy of a public relations pro in this laudatory and utterly unbalanced portrait.

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Veteran Newsday sports reporter Jacobson sticks mainly to the facts in this story of the African-American players who followed Jackie Robinson's lead into the major leagues. In his portraits of these 19 greats—who range from stars like Hank Aaron to lesser-knowns such as Mudcat Grant and Ed Charles—Jacobson bemoans the fate of so many might-have-beens and celebrates the success of the lucky few who actually received their just rewards. The hardships were legion, with almost every player recounting the difficulties of traveling a segregated country in the pre–civil rights era, when black athletes often couldn't patronize the same restaurants or the same hotels as their white teammates. In 1962 the St. Louis Cardinals helped bust down Jim Crow laws in Florida by buying their own hotel in St. Petersburg to avoid the problem during spring training. Although Jacobson's pen is a pedestrian one, he imparts a good many details on almost every page, due to the incomparable character of the men gathered in this honor roll of bravery.

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New York has always been a bellwether for the nation, representing both its brightest ambitions and its darkest fears. The Restless City is a short, readable history of New York City, from colonial times to the present, showing how the successes and struggles of the city reinforced each other to create a distinctly dynamic, shocking, and therefore influential city. Organized around conventional time periods, each chapter provides an introduction to the era, followed by four or five mini-essays on different economic, political, social, or cultural conflicts that impacted NYC in that time period. This would make a great short text for a course on New York history, or on urban history and the development of the American city.

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Highlights the striking similarities between politics and war and persuasively argues that the language of war teaches us about political activity. Each chapter takes a single military concept and applies it to political concerns ranging from campaign war chests to legislative tactics

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Was classical piracy an earlier version of state-sponsored terrorism?
Here's the story of how almost every well-known buccaneer of the “Golden Age of Piracy” enjoyed active sponsorship from England's governors in the American colonies- setting a pattern of official disobedience to the Crown that would ultimately contribute to the American push for independence. Relying on rare primary sources discovered in government archives in England, the Carolinas, Rhode Island, Jamaica, and elsewhere, Burgess combines true tales of derring-do with groundbreaking research in this fascinating history.

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This is a reverse whodunit: we know who committed the crime but not—though we can guess—whether he'll be convicted. Since it takes place in 1921 Birmingham, Ala., the story's likely to involve race, gender relations, family authority, and religion, and not to be pretty. Davies, a professor of law at Ohio State, knows her way through the thickets of criminal proceedings and the ways of adversarial attorneys. She also mines trial transcripts for all they're worth. One of the defense lawyers is none other than Hugo Black, later a Supreme Court Justice but here a supporter of the Klan, which he would soon join. When all is over, the murderer, a white Protestant, goes free after killing a Catholic priest and expressing, like most in the courtroom, just about every vulgar prejudice of the day. Davies leaves almost no detail unmentioned, when a novelist's way of letting one fact stand in for many others would have made the story move more quickly. But this is an illustrative tale about its time, well worth the telling.

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The First Amendment ideal of an independent press allows American journalists to present critical perspectives on government policies and actions; but are the media independent of government in practice? Here Jonathan Mermin demonstrates that when it comes to military intervention, journalists over the past two decades have let the government itself set the terms and boundaries of foreign policy debate in the news. Analyzing newspaper and television reporting of U.S. intervention in Grenada and Panama, the bombing of Libya, the Gulf War, and U.S. actions in Somalia and Haiti, he shows that if there is no debate over U.S. policy in Washington, there is no debate in the news. Journalists often criticize the execution of U.S. policy, but fail to offer critical analysis of the policy itself if actors inside the government have not challenged it. Mermin ultimately offers concrete evidence of outside-Washington perspectives that could have been reported in specific cases, and explains how the press could increase its independence of Washington in reporting foreign policy news. The author constructs a new framework for thinking about press-government relations, based on the observation that bipartisan support for U.S. intervention is often best interpreted as a political phenomenon, not as evidence of the wisdom of U.S. policy. Journalists should remember that domestic political factors often influence foreign policy debate. The media, Mermin argues, should not see a Washington consensus as justification for downplaying critical perspectives.

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From the 1910 overthrow of "Czar" Joseph Cannon to the reforms enacted when Republicans took over the House in 1995, institutional change within the U.S. Congress has been both a product and a shaper of congressional politics. For several decades, scholars have explained this process in terms of a particular collective interest shared by members, be it partisanship, reelection worries, or policy motivations. Eric Schickler makes the case that it is actually interplay among multiple interests that determines institutional change. In the process, he explains how congressional institutions have proved remarkably adaptable and yet consistently frustrating for members and outside observers alike. Analyzing leadership, committee, and procedural restructuring in four periods (1890-1910, 1919-1932, 1937-1952, and 1970-1989), Schickler argues that coalitions promoting a wide range of member interests drive change in both the House and Senate. He shows that multiple interests determine institutional innovation within a period; that different interests are important in different periods; and, more broadly, that changes in the salient collective interests across time do not follow a simple logical or developmental sequence. Institutional development appears disjointed, as new arrangements are layered on preexisting structures intended to serve competing interests. An epilogue assesses the rise and fall of Newt Gingrich in light of these findings.

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