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  • 26 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
The genesis of Soviet airborne military doctrine occurred during the decade of the 1920s, a period characterized by intense intellectual ferment in Soviet military affairs. That ferment ultimately converged with the movement toward industrialization and the adoption of modern technology to produce, in the early 1930s, a renaissance of military thought within the Soviet Union. A generation of military leaders and thinkers, conditioned by a revolutionary philosophy and participation in the Russian Civil War and Allied intervention and eager to elevate the Soviet Union into a competitive military position with the rest of Europe, gave shape and focus to that renaissance. They were imaginative men, infused with ideological zeal, encouraged by their political leaders to experiment, and willing to learn from the experiences of military leaders abroad. Their efforts produced a sophisticated military doctrine, advanced for its time, and an elaborate, if not unique, military force structure to implement that doctrine.
It is one of the major ironies of history that the work of these men--the Tukhachevskys, the Triandafilovs, the Issersons, and a host of others--would be eclipsed and almost forgotten. Their efforts for the Soviet Union earned for them only sudden death in the brutal purges of the late 1930s. The formidable armed force they had built and the sophisticated thought that had governed use of that force decayed. The brain of the army dulled, and imagination and initiative failed. The military embarrassments of 1939-40 and the debacle of 1941 blinded the world to the true accomplishments of Soviet military science in the 1930s, and an appreciation of those accomplishments never really returned. The military leaders of 1943-45 resurrected the concepts of their illustrious predecessors and competently employed them to achieve victory over Europe's most vaunted military machine. Yet the memories of the Soviets' poor performance in 1941 never faded and have since colored Western attitudes toward Soviet military art. Thus, it is appropriate to recall the realities of Soviet military development unblemished by the images of 1941.

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  • 11 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
No one, not even Mikhail Gorbachev, anticipated what was in store when the Soviet Union embarked in the 1980s on a radical course of long- overdue structural reform. The consequences of that momentous decision, which set in motion a transformation eventually affecting the entire postwar world order, are here chronicled from inside a previously forbidden Soviet city, Magnitogorsk. Built under Stalin and championed by him as a showcase of socialism, the city remained closed to Western scrutiny until four years ago, when Stephen Kotkin became the first American to live there in nearly half a century. An uncommonly perceptive observer, a gifted writer, and a first-rate social scientist, Kotkin offers the reader an unsurpassed portrait of daily life in the Gorbachev era.From the formation of "informal" political groups to the start-up of fledgling businesses in the new cooperative sector, from the no- holds-barred investigative reporting of a former Communist party mouthpiece to a freewheeling multicandidate election campaign, the author conveys the texture of contemporary Soviet society in the throes of an upheaval not seen since the 1930s. Magnitogorsk, a planned "garden city" in the Ural Mountains, serves as Kotkin's laboratory for observing the revolutionary changes occurring in the Soviet Union today. Dominated by a self-perpetuating Communist party machine, choked by industrial pollution, and haunted by a suppressed past, this once-proud city now faces an uncertain future, as do the more than one thousand other industrial cities throughout the Soviet Union. Kotkin made his remarkable first visit in 1987 and returned in 1989. On both occasions, steelworkers and schoolteachers, bus drivers and housewives, intellectuals and former victims of oppressionall willingly stepped forward to voice long-suppressed grievances and aspirations. Their words animate this moving narrative, the first to examine the impact and contradictions of perestroika in a single community. Like no other Soviet city, Magnitogorsk provides a window onto the desperate struggle to overcome the heavy burden of Stalin's legacy.

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  • 74 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
From German conspiracies along Ontario's borders to monitoring mail between Canadian communists and Moscow, Canada's Enemies explores previously ignored and newly declassified documents from European, American, and Canadian archives.

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  • 110 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
The demise of communism in the former Soviet Union and the massive political and economic changes in China are two major transformations of the 20th century. Two central questions are emerging: Why did different communist systems experience different patterns of transition? Why did partial reforms in the Soviet Union and China turn into revolutions? This analytical and empirical study shows that patterns of regime transition in communist states depend on the countries' pre-existing social structures and political and economic institutions. Minxin Pei identifies the rapid mobilization of previously excluded social groups during the reform phase as the most powerful explanation for the revolutionary outcome of initially limited political and economic reforms in the Soviet Union and China. Pei uses comparative data to analyze the different routes of transition to democracy and a market economy in the Soviet Union, China, and, to a lesser extent, other former communist states in Eastern Europe and Asia. The theory is empirically tested in four case studies of changes in China and the Soviet Union - two on the development of the private sector in each country and two on the liberalization of the mass media. The author concludes with statements about regime transition from communism. He rejects the idealistic notion that democratization can, by itself, remove the structural obstacles to economic transformation, and he sees high economic and political costs as unavoidable in transition from communism along either the Soviet or the Chinese path. In comparing Soviet and Chinese transition costs, however, he implicitly endorses the evolutionary changes taking place in China and expresses strong doubt about the revolutionary changes that have occurred in the former Soviet Union.

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  • 119 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
This book traces the origins and activities of an alliance of conservative Communist Party authorities and Russian nationalists during the late Soviet era. Specifically, it examines how and to what extent hitherto orthodox Communists sought political allies in the Russian nationalist movement in order to garner support for halting the reform program and saving the Soviet state from collapse.

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  • 38 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
William E. Odom, a retired Lt. General with a Ph.D. from Columbia, served as a top advisor in both the Carter and Reagan administrations (including a stint director of the National Security Agency). He writes surprisingly well about the quiet disintegration of the Soviet armed forces: "In a mere six years, the world's largest and arguably most powerful military melted like the spring ice in Russia's arctic rivers as it breaks up, drifts in floes, and slowly disappears." He also offers key insights, particularly in his analysis of Soviet war philosophy, including the reasons Marxist theory made a huge military almost inevitable and why Gorbachev's attempt to reduce its size posed a threat to the whole Communist system; he also traces the influence of von Clausewitz's thinking on Lenin. But this is all by way of introduction to Odom's discussion of what happened when Mikhail Gorbachev foisted perestroika on the Soviet Union and its armed forces. Odom personally interviewed many of the participants, lending considerable detail to his chronicle of Russia's 1991 August Crisis and the rise of Boris Yeltsin.

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  • 351,7 MB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12

z chomika Ekskalibur007

  • 196,4 MB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
Dariusz Jabłoński - reżyser filmu " Gry Wojenne ", dr Antoni Dudek - IPN i prof. dr hab. Józef Szaniawski są gośćmi w studiu .

Okazją do dyskusji jest premiera filmu dokumentalnego o Ryszardzie Kuklińskim " Gry Wojenne ".

TVP INFO

2008-12-08

z chomika Trwam

  • 161 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
Few historical changes occur literally overnight, but on August 13 1961 eighteen million East Germans awoke to find themselves walled in by an edifice which was to become synonymous with the Cold War: the Berlin Wall.

This new history rejects traditional, top-down approaches to Cold War politics, exploring instead how the border closure affected ordinary East Germans, from workers and farmers to teenagers and even party members, "caught out" by Sunday the Thirteenth. Party, police and Stasi reports reveal why one in six East Germans fled the country during the 1950s, undermining communist rule and forcing the eleventh-hour decision by Khrushchev and Ulbricht to build a wall along the Cold War's frontline.

Did East Germans resist or come to terms with immurement? Did the communist regime become more or less dictatorial within the confines of the so-called "Antifascist Defense Rampart?" Using film and literature, but also the GDR's losing battle against Beatlemania, Patrick Major's cross-disciplinary study suggests that popular culture both reinforced and undermined the closed society. Linking external and internal developments, Major argues that the GDR's official quest for international recognition, culminating in Ostpolitik and United Nations membership in the early 1970s, became its undoing, unleashing a human rights movement which fed into, but then broke with, the protests of 1989. After exploring the reasons for the fall of the Wall and reconstructing the heady days of the autumn revolution, the author reflects on the fate of the Wall after 1989, as it moved from demolition into the realm of memory.

About the Author
Patrick Major is Professor of History at the University of Reading.

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  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
Poststructuralist Marxism, or post-Marxism, is a theoretical viewpoint that elaborates and revises the work of Louis Althusser and Michel Foucault. Unlike traditional Marxism, which emphasizes the priority of class struggle and the common humanity of oppressed groups, post-Marxism reveals the sexual, racial, class, and ethnic divisions of modern Western society. This book surveys the different versions of post-Marxist theory: the economic theory of Stephen Resnick and Richard Wolff, the historical methodology of Michel Foucault, the political theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, the feminism of Judith Butler, the materialist philosophy of Pierre Macherey, and the cultural studies of Tony Bennett and John Frow. Providing a coherent framework for these otherwise quite divergent theorists, Philip Goldstein outlines the history of Marxist philosophical or theoretical views and explains how they all count as post-Marxist.

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  • 70 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
The automobile and Soviet communism made an odd couple. The quintessential symbol of American economic might and consumerism never achieved iconic status as an engine of Communist progress, in part because it posed an awkward challenge to some basic assumptions of Soviet ideology and practice. In this rich and often witty book, Lewis H. Siegelbaum recounts the life of the Soviet automobile and in the process gives us a fresh perspective on the history and fate of the USSR itself. Based on sources ranging from official state archives to cartoons, car-enthusiast magazines, and popular films, Cars for Comrades takes us from the construction of the huge "Soviet Detroits," emblems of the utopian phase of Soviet planning, to present-day Togliatti, where the fate of Russia's last auto plant hangs in the balance. The large role played by American businessmen and engineers in the checkered history of Soviet automobile manufacture is one of the book's surprises, and the author points up the ironic parallels between the Soviet story and the decline of the American Detroit. In the interwar years, automobile clubs, car magazines, and the popularity of rally races were signs of a nascent Soviet car culture, its growth slowed by the policies of the Stalinist state and by Russia's intractable "roadlessness." In the postwar years cars appeared with greater frequency in songs, movies, novels, and in propaganda that promised to do better than car-crazy America.

zachomikowany

  • 42 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
During the first half of the twentieth century, Glasgow was witness to an unparalleled wave of working class protest and political agitation. The protesters challenged the capitalist social order and also, on occasion, the state itself. What was the legacy of this turbulence and upheaval which reinforced Glasgow's reputation as the center of working class struggle in Britain? In this original and meticulously researched analysis, Neil Rafeek makes the first systematic study of "Red Clydeside," the term given to Communism, radical Labor and trade Unionism in Scotland, a legendary phenomenon in British and even international labor history. He focuses on the role of women in the Communist Party and describes women’s experiences of meeting leading international personalities of the era: Khrushchev, Gagarin, Tereshkova, Castro and the Ceauescus. Using rich and evocative personal testimony blended with the author’s own analysis, Rafeek shows the idealistic socialist motivation behind the establishment of "Red Clydeside" and the subsequent growing strains and discord in Communism and the labor movement generally, internationally and in Scotland.

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  • 99 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
Defenders of the Motherland studies how the most powerful social groups in tsarist Russia reacted to the challenges posed by the Russian Revolutions of 1917. Arguing that elite groups-especially nobles, landowners, and officers-played an important role in these events, Matthew Rendle shows how the alienation of tsarist elites from the tsar during the First World War and their support for the new Provisional Government in February 1917 secured the initial success of the revolution.

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  • 172 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
In this provocative book, Matthew Lenoe traces the origins of Stalinist mass culture to newspaper journalism in the late 1920s. In examining the transformation of Soviet newspapers during the New Economic Policy and the First Five Year Plan, Lenoe tells a dramatic story of purges, political intrigues, and social upheaval.

Under pressure from the party leadership to mobilize society for the monumental task of industrialization, journalists shaped a master narrative for Soviet history and helped create a Bolshevik identity for millions of new communists. Everyday labor became an epic battle to modernize the USSR, a fight not only against imperialists from outside, but against shirkers and saboteurs within. Soviet newspapermen mobilized party activists by providing them with an identity as warrior heroes battling for socialism. Yet within the framework of propaganda directives, the rank-and-file journalists improvised in ways that ultimately contributed to the creation of a culture. The images and metaphors crafted by Soviet journalists became the core of Stalinist culture in the mid-1930s, and influenced the development of socialist realism.

Deeply researched and lucidly written, this book is a major contribution to the literature on Soviet culture and society.

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  • 152 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
Perspectives on Modern World History examines global historic events from the twentieth-century onward by presenting analysis and observation from numerous vantage points. Each volume offers high school, early college level, and general interest readers a thematically arranged anthology of previously published materials that address a major historical event, with an emphasis on international coverage. Each volume opens with
background information on the event, then presents the controversies surrounding that event, and concludes with first-person narratives from people who lived through the event or were affected by it. By providing primary sources from the time of the event, as well as relevant commentary surrounding the event, this series can be used to inform debate, help develop critical thinking skills, increase global awareness, and enhance an understanding of international perspectives on history.
The contributors to Perspectives on Modern World History: Chernobyl offer many fascinating, and often contradictory, views of this disaster and its lasting impact. They explore these over the course of three chapters,
titled “Historical Background on the Chernobyl Disaster,” “Controversies Surrounding the Chernobyl Disaster,” and “Personal Narratives,” the latter composed of accounts of those who survived the disaster or witnessed
its aftermath.

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  • 12,9 MB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12

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  • 120 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
A clear, definite, and well-reasoned interpretation of what the theory really is. . . . Admirably argued and generally exhilarating.
(Anthony Quinton The Times Literary Supplement )

Cohen's blend of sound scholarship and acute philosophical reasoning has produced a work with which anyone seriously interested in understanding Marx must come to terms.
(Peter Singer New York Review of Books )

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  • 20 KB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
Evidence that psychopol it ics was then operative was minimal, but the handwriting was on the wall. Its future was being secured by a cadre of adepts who had long before captured the citadels of learning,and were assiduously developing support systems for the Intended assault on the American mind, and training the troops to nan the assault.

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  • 349,7 MB
  • 13 wrz 24 9:12
Akcja cyklu zaczyna się w chwili, gdy Wiktor Suworow - młody oficer Armii Radzieckiej, pełni służbę w pułku czołgów na Ukrainie. Podczas ćwiczeń wykazuje się brawurową odwagą i niekonwencjonalnym zachowaniem. Zwraca w ten sposób uwagę pułkownika Krawcowa, szefa wywiadu Armii, wizytującego podległe mu jednostki. Po manewrach Krawcow pozbawia zaskoczonego Wiktora dowództwa kompanii czołgów i zabiera ze sobą do pracy w sztabie. Pod czujnym okiem nowego mocodawcy Suworow przechodzi kolejne szczeble wtajemniczenia w działalność wywiadowczą. Swymi zdolnościami, fanatyczną pracowitością i oddaniem zdobywa coraz większe zaufanie Krawcowa. Pewnego dnia pułkownik informuje go o istnieniu "Akwarium" - ściśle zakonspirowanej centrali tajnego wywiadu wojskowego GRU. Przeniesiony do sztabu Okręgu Wojskowego we Lwowie, Wiktor poznaje tam Tanię, ale niebawem musi się z nią rozstać, niepewien jej lojalności. Gdy dostaje awans do stopnia kapitana, rozstaje się z Krawcowem, nie wiedząc, czy jeszcze kiedykolwiek spotka człowieka, któremu zawdzięcza karierę.

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jacek_040

jacek_040 napisano 7.07.2023 12:53

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