After WWII, the most destructive war in history, everyone yearned for a better world. Veteran historian Dallek (Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Power) delivers a shrewd analysis of why world leaders failed to deliver it. Reviewing postwar crises--Soviet occupation of eastern Europe, the creation of Israel, India's independence, France's occupation of Indochina, China's civil war, the Korean War--Dallek sadly concludes that the Allies misread history, eschewing anything that smacked of appeasement, treating opponents, mostly the U.S.S.R., as they should have treated Hitler. Without attempting to rehabilitate Stalin, Dallek asserts that Western leaders managed to push all his paranoid buttons. Notwithstanding their conviction that he aimed to conquer the world, Stalin was no apostle of world revolution but a conventional nationalist obsessed with protecting Russia's borders and maintaining his own power. Despite repeated painful experiences and immense expense, traditional, pugnacious power politics proved irresistible (except, ironically, to WWII's losers, Germany and Japan), Dallek concludes in this perceptive work.

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People in the News - Sheila Wyborny - Kim Jong II (2009).jpg

People in the News profiles the lives and careers of some of today's most prominent newsmakers. Whether covering contributions and achievements or notorious deeds, books in this series examine why these well-known individuals garnered public attention.

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People in the News - Sheila Wyborny - Kim Jong II (2009).pdf

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Robert Conroy - Red Inferno; 1945, A Novel (2010).jpg

Conroy’s latest novel is substantially his best. It supposes that in 1945, President Truman decided to send American troops across the Elbe to claim the American share of Berlin. That catches Stalin in a paranoiac mood, and the Red Army attacks the force headed to Berlin. Despite a Soviet leak, the Americans are surprised and destroyed, except for a small force besieged in Potsdam on the outskirts of Berlin. Matters go from bad to worse as Stalin decides to take the opportunity to cross the Elbe and head west. The Western Allies are forced into a separate peace and later an alliance with a semi-rehabilitated Germany but eventually escalate the conflict by striking at Russia’s strained fuel resources. Add the prospective disintegration of the Western Alliance over the prolongation of the war (Britain has a strong and violent peace movement, De Gaulle plays hardball) and J. Edgar Hoover displaying a paranoia that rivals Stalin’s, and every aspect of the scenario becomes engrossing and grimly plausible. Even the book’s two well-realized romances add interest to the proceedings, and the suspense holds up literally to the last page. If Conroy’s enthusiasm for alternate history leads to a sequel to this one, it will continue a story comparable to the best by the subgenre’s masters.

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Robert Conroy - Red Inferno; 1945, A Novel (2010).epub

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Militaria 10 - Armia Sowiecka 1918-1945; Umundurow anie i oznaki (1996).jpg

10 tom z serii "MILITARIA" ukazuje proces powstawania Armii Czerwonej na przykladzie munduru. Oryginalne fotografie i barwne ilustracje swietnie oddaja opisane w tekscie kolejne etapy umundurowania i oznakowywania armii.

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Militaria 10 - Armia Sowiecka 1918-1945; Umundurow anie i oznaki (1996).pdf

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Antonio Negri - Marx Beyond Marx; Lessons on the G rundrisse (1989).jpg

A key figure in the Italian “Autonomia” Movement reads Marx’s Gründrisse, developing the critical and controversial theoretical apparatus that informs the “zero-work” strategy and other elements so crucial to this new and “heretical” tendency in Marxist theory. A challenge to both capitalist and socialist apologists for waged slavery.

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Antonio Negri - Marx Beyond Marx; Lessons on the G rundrisse (1989).pdf

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Smiersz; Gwardia Stalina (2009).jpg

Russian

В отличие от подавляющего большинства современных книг о СМЕРШе, представляющих собой компиляцию одних и тех же источников и без конца пересказывающих давно известные факты, данное исследование основано на лишь недавно рассекреченных документах Центрального архива ФСБ, многие из которых публикуются впервые.
Это подлинная история противоборства советской военной контрразведки с могущественными спецслужбами Гитлера. Это — правда о тайной войне СМЕРШа против Третьего Рейха, в которой сталинские «волкодавы» одолели самых матерых диверсантов Абвера и РСХА. Это - неизвестные подробности лучших спецопераций Главного управления контрразведки НКО СССР «Смерть шпионам!».

Smiersz kontrwywiad wojskowy działający w Związku Radzieckim w latach 1943 - 1946.
Smiersz (skrót od smiert' szpionam - śmierć szpiegom) powstał w kwietniu 1943 roku, powołany przez Józefa Stalina, po reorganizacji specjalnych wydziałów NKWD, odpowiedzialnych za pracę kontrwywiadowczą w Armii Czerwonej. Organizacja została wyjęta spod kontroli NKWD, i podporządkowana przewodniczącemu Komitetu Bezpieczeństwa Państwa.
Za zadań Smiersza należało m.in prowadzenie operacji kontrwywiadowczych , zwalczanie zdrajców, dezerterów, ochrona szeregów Armii Czerwonej przed penetracją obcego wywiadu oraz zwalczanie agitacji wywrotowej.
Od początku istnienia Smiersza do jego likwidacji, czyli od kwietnia 1943 roku do marca 1946 roku, na jego czele stał gen. płk Wiktor Abakumow. Po wkroczeniu Armii Czerwonej na tereny Polski w pogoni za wojskami Niemieckimi, oddziały "Smiersza" podążały zaraz za pierwszą linnią frontu, z zadaniem poszukiwania ważnych materiałów i ludzi np. naukowców, dokumentów, oraz najnowszej technologi np: rakiet V-2,pierwszych silników odrzutowych itp., bardzo ważnej dla Związku Radzieckiego.
Pod koniec wojny oddziały Smiersza wkroczyły do Niemiec zaraz za wojskami frontowymi, w maju 1945 roku, szef komórki Smiersza przy 79 korpusie Strzeleckim, 3 Armii uderzeniowej, płk Iwan Klimienko, odnalazł zwęglone szczątki Adolfa Hitlera oraz Josepha Goebbelsa, wraz z szczątkami jego żony i dzieci, po przeprowadzonych pózniej przesłuchaniach i autopsji potwierdził że Adolf Hitler popełnił samobójstwo.
W marcu 1946 roku, Smiersz został formalnie rozwiązany, a jego zadania przejął III Zarząd Ministerstwa Bezpieczeństwa Państwowego.
Struktura Głównego Zarządu Kontrwywiadu "Smiersz" (Kwiecień 1943 r. - Marzec 1946 r.)

Ludowy Komisarz Obrony'
Naczelnik Głównego Zarządu Kontrwywiadu i jego zastępcy
Sekretariat
Oddziały - I - Kontrwywiadowcze zabezpieczenie centralnych instytucji Armii Czerwonej
II - Praca wśród jeńców wojennych
III - Zwalczanie obcej agentury i prowadzenie gry radiowej (dezinformacja)
IV - Organizacja Kontrwywiadu Zafrontowego
V - Nadzór nad organami "Smiersza" w okręgach wojskowych
VI - Śledczy
VII - Ewidencyjno - Statystyczny
VIII - Szyfry i Łączność

Dowódcy "Smiersza"
Na czele "Smiersza" od 1943 roku do 1946 roku, stał: płk. gen. Wiktor Abakumow.

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Smerch; Gwardia Stalina (2009).pdf

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Miniatury morskie 124 - Przemysław Burchard - Oper acja Pluto (1967).jpg

Kuba jest wyspą, rozciągającą się na przestrzeni około 1200 km z zachodu na wschód. Szerokość głównej wyspy waha się od kilkudziesięciu do stu kilkudziesięciu kilometrów. Otacza ją kilkaset wysp i wysepek tworzących archipelagi. Z nich jedyną większą wyspą zamieszkaną jest Pinos u południowo-zachodnich wybrzeży prowincji Pinar del Rio.

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Miniatury morskie 124 - Przemysław Burchard - Oper acja Pluto (1967).pdf

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Vladimir Tismaneanu - Fantasies of Salvation; Demo cracy, Nationalism, and Myth in Post-Communist Eur ope (1998).jpg

Communism - Vladimir Tismaneanu - Fantasies of Salvation Democracy...y, Nationalism, and Myth in Post-Communist Europe 1998.jpg

Eastern Europe has become an ideological battleground since the collapse of the Soviet Union, with liberals and authoritarians struggling to seize the ground lost by Marxism. In Fantasies of Salvation, Vladimir Tismaneanu traces the intellectual history of this struggle and warns that authoritarian nationalists pose a serious threat to democratic forces.A leading observer of the often baffling world of post-Communist Europe, Tismaneanu shows that extreme nationalistic and authoritarian thought has been influential in Eastern Europe for much of this century, while liberalism has only shallow historical roots. Despite democratic successes in places such as the Czech Republic and Poland, he argues, it would be a mistake for the West to assume that liberalism will always triumph. He backs this argument by showing how nationalist intellectuals have encouraged ethnic hatred in such countries as Russia, Romania, and the former Yugoslavia by reviving patriotic myths of heroes, scapegoats, and historical injustices. And he shows how enthusiastically these myths have been welcomed by people desperate for some form of "salvation" from political and economic uncertainty.

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Bill Dunn - Global Political Economy; A Marxist Cr itique (2008).jpg

This is an ambitious survey of the history and state of the world economy, covering the major upheavals of the capitalist system over the last 100 years.Bill Dunn provides an original and enlightening explanation of the state of the world economy. He covers all the main aspects of global political economy explaining the theories behind production, trade, finance and relations between rich and poor countries. He also tackles the question of the origin of capitalism, a debate that always proves popular among students and academics. Dunn also includes a critique of alternative perspectives, showing that Marxism still provides the best analytical tools for understanding the global economy.This comprehensive text is a must for students of politics and economics who are keen to understand how the economy reached its current stage and what the future is likely to bring.

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Bill Dunn - Global Political Economy; A Marxist Cr itique (2008).pdf

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Jean-Jacques Lecercle - A Marxist Philosophy of La nguage (2006).jpg

The purpose of this book is to give a precise meaning to the formula. English is the language of imperialism. Understanding that statement involves a critique of the dominant views of language, both in the field of linguistics (the book has a chapter criticising Chomsky's research programme) and of the philosophy of language (the book has a chapter assessing Habermas's philosophy of communicative action). The book aims at constructing a Marxist philosophy of language, embodying a view of language as a social, historical, material and political phenomenon. Since there has never been a strong tradition of thinking about language in Marxism, the book provides an overview of the question of Marxism in language (from Stalin's pamphlet to Volosinov book, taking in an essay by Pasolini), and it seeks to construct a number of concepts for a Marxist philosophy of language. The book belongs to the tradition of Marxist critique of dominant ideologies. It should be particularly useful to those who, in the fields of language study, literature and communication studies, have decided that language is not merely an instrument of communication.

About the Author
J.J. Lecercle was educated at the Ecole Normale Superieure in Paris. From 1999 to 2002 he was research professor in the English department at the university of Cardiff, and he is currently professor of English at the university of Nanterre. He is the author of Interpretation as Pragmatics (Macmillan 1999), Deleuze and Language (Palgrave 2002) and The Force of Language (with Denise Riley, Macmillan 2004).

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Jean-Jacques Lecercle - A Marxist Philosophy of La nguage (2006).pdf

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Tcheslaw Tchekhovich - Gurdjieff, A Master in Life (1990).jpg

In January 1920, Tcheslaw Tchekhovitch, 20 years of age, was part of the Polish contingent of the Tsar's army in retreat to Constantinople. While haunted by memories of the atrocities of the Bolshevik revolution, he had a strange intuition that there exists another life, a life full of meaning. Seeing a poster announcing lectures by P.D. Ouspensky titled "The ancient wisdom of the East revealed through a new current in Western thought", he decided to attend. This contact led to Tchekhovitch's providential meeting with G.I. Gurdjieff, the man who would become his teacher and spiritual master.

Gurdjieff: A Master in Life chronicles 28 years of intense interaction between master and pupil, and sheds fresh light on the methods Gurdjieff used to open his pupils to an inner reality

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Tcheslaw Tchekhovich - Gurdjieff, A Master in Life (1990).pdf

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Louis de Saussure, Peter Schulz - Manipulation And Ideologies in the Twentieth Century; Discourse, L anguage, Mind (2005).jpg

Communism - Louis de Saussure, Peter Schulz - Manipulation And Ide...n the Twentieth Century Discourse, Language, Mind 2005.jpg

One of the interesting developments in discourse analysis is its increasing interest in the explicit description and account of politically relevant text and talk and their relationships to various forms of social cognition. The collection of studies edited by Louis de Saussure and Peter Schulz is among those books that focus on this interface between political discourse and political cognition. It does so specifically by examining one of the most conspicuous forms of discursive power abuse – manipulation – as well as its relationship with ideologies, especially the totalitarian right-wing ideologies of the 20th century.

DANIEL WEISS follows the Moscow Semantic School in his comparison of
Fascism and Stalinism in ''Stalinist vs. fascist propaganda: How much do
they have in common?'' (251-274). In particular he investigates two aspects,
''the linguistic manifestation of the mechanisms of terror and of the cult
of personality'' (252). He finds that in contrast to Stalinist propaganda,
Nazi propaganda is an arbitrary discourse, e.g., at times valuing the old,
at other times despising it. On the other hand, ''Nazi terror appeared more
rational...since its victims were predictable. Stalinist terror, on the
contrary, seemed irrational in that it could target just about anyone''
(265). Weiss concludes that ''the essence of totalitarian speech does not
lie in its manipulative force; its main goal is rather to overwhelm the
audience by a permanent flow of emotionally loaded and often violent, but
highly repetitious speech'' (269).

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Louis de Saussure, Peter Schulz - Manipulation And Ideologies in the Twentieth Century; Discourse, L anguage, Mind (2005).pdf

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Paul Heywood - Marxism and the Failure of Organise d Socialism in Spain, 1879-1936 (2003).jpg

This is the first full-length study in English of the role of Marxist theory in the Spanish Socialist movement prior to the outbreak of Civil War in 1936. In particular, the author stresses the intellectual poverty of this aspect of leftwing politics in Spain. In concentrating on the Partido Socialista Obrero Espafiol (PSOE), the major organised party of the left prior to the Civil War, the study seeks to achieve two main aims: first, to attempt to isolate the political, social and intellectual factors which led to a particularly distorted version of Marxism which became established in Spain at the end of the nineteenth century; and second, to demonstrate how this particular conception of Marxism had a crucial negative impact on the political formulations and fortunes of the PSOE between 1879 and 1936. The central argument of the book is that the significance of Spanish Marxism lay precisely in its poverty, since it was this 'decaffeinated' version of the theory which set the parameters within which the PSOE formulated its strategy for socialism.

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John Archibald Getty - Origins of the Great Purges ; The Soviet Communist Party Reconsidered, 1933-19 38 (1987).jpg

Communism - John Archibald Getty - Origins of the Great Purges The...e Soviet Communist Party Reconsidered, 1933-1938 1987.jpg

Based upon archival and published sources, this book describes the events in the Bolshevik Party leading up to the Great Purges of 1937-38. Professor Getty concludes that the party bureaucracy was chaotic rather than totalitarian, and that local officials had relative autonomy within a considerably fragmented political system. The Moscow leadership, of which Stalin was the most authoritarian actor, reacted to social and political processes as much as instigating them. Because of disputes, confusion, and inefficiency, they often pushed contradictory policies. Avoiding the usual concentration on Stalin's personality, the author puts forward the controversial hypothesis that the Great Purges occurred not as the end product of a careful Stalin plan, but rather as the bloody but ad hoc result of Moscow's incremental attempts to centralize power.

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John Archibald Getty - Origins of the Great Purges ; The Soviet Communist Party Reconsidered, 1933-19 38 (1987).pdf

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Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius - Utopia and Terror in t he 20th Century (2003).jpeg

From the trenches of World War I to Nazi Germany to Saddam Hussein's Iraq, the 20th century was a time of unprecedented violence. According to best estimates, in that 100-year span more than 200 million people were killed in world wars, government-sponsored persecutions, and genocides.

Such monumental violence seems senseless. But it is not inexplicable. And if we can understand its origins, we may prevent even greater horrors in the century to come.

This is the premise of Utopia and Terror in the 20th Century. Professor Vejas Gabriel Liulevicius traces the violent history of that era, beginning with its early roots in the American and, especially, the French revolutions. With each passing lecture, you will see how the 20th century's violence was the result of specific historical developments that eventually combined, with explosive results.

The Fuse that Made the 20th Century Explode

The French Revolution proved that ideological movements could mobilize the public and, when willing to use violence, could indeed transform society.

The Industrial Revolution and subsequent technology created vastly more powerful weapons—including some that were entirely new, such as the airplane and rocket—that raised the potential for bloodshed to new heights.

Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection was perverted into Social Darwinism and eugenics: racist pseudosciences that provided excuses to repress or eliminate entire groups of people.

These events created a dangerous backdrop for the most sinister development of all. This was the notion that utopia was not just a perfect paradise to look forward to in the afterlife. Instead, utopia could be built right now, in this life.

Such 20th-century ideologies as Marxism, Nazism, Communism, and Fascism embraced this idea willingly—even enthusiastically—and used terror to implement it. These ideologies functioned as political religions, demanding fanaticism, commitment, and sacrifice in return for an ultimate reward in this life rather than the next.

Understanding Totalitarian Governments: Gangsters and Machines

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Audiobook - The Teaching Company - Vejas Gabriel L iulevicius - Utopia and Terror in the 20th Century (2003) (754m16s).mp3

Professor Liulevicius offers an intellectual framework though which to understand the totalitarian governments of the last century or, for that matter, of today. Such governments, and the terror they spread, share key characteristics and strategies.

For example, their leaders can be seen not as politicians but as mobsters, an organized conspiracy that uses criminal methods inspired by gangsters. They gain and maintain power by manipulating masses of people, often exploiting societies with many uprooted and alienated citizens, such as existed in Europe after World War I.

In addition, you will see that these regimes create fear and command allegiance through the use of "machines." These are not literally machines, but bureaucracies that carry out a set of deliberate, interrelated strategies. These include:

-----The cult of the leader, or the cult of personality. These make the dictator seem larger than life, or superhuman. After Italy annexed Ethiopia in 1936, Mussolini's followers declared him to be a new god in human form. In the Soviet Union, long ovations after Stalin's speeches were common, as no one wanted to be seen as the first to stop applauding.
-----The Big Lie, or deliberate distortions of the truth. During the Hundred Flowers Campaign, Mao Zedong seemed to promote free speech, then killed some half million dissidents when they came out in the open.
-----Secret police. An estimated 274,000 people worked with the East German secret police, the Stasi, from 1950 to 1989. When informers were added, this translated into one secret policeman for every 6.5 persons.
-----The media. Radio, film, and television were used to rewrite history and manipulate the masses. The Bolsheviks produced documentary films that made their October Revolution seem much more dramatic and deadly than it was (a common joke was that more people were injured during filming than in the actual event).

The portrait Professor Liulevicius paints is that 20th-century violence, while horrific and massive, was not chaotic or random but deliberate and calculated. Very often, it was based on precedent.

In using concentration camps, Hitler and Stalin essentially adopted a strategy that had first been employed by the Spanish in 1896 in Cuba and by the British against Dutch settlers during the Boer War (1899–1902).

Hitler's plan to exterminate Germany's Jews was inspired by the 1915 genocide of Armenians by the Turkish Ottoman Empire, an atrocity barely noticed by the international community. The fact that "no one remembered the Armenians," as Hitler is said to have declared, convinced him that his Final Solution would work.

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Dmitry Shlapentokh - Russian Elite Image of Iran; From the Late Soviet Era to the Present (2009).jpg

This monograph traces the Russian elite's views of Iran over the past 20 years. It deals with the actual implementation of policies only insofar as this helps elucidate the images of Iran and the ideological aspect of the Russian/Iranian relationship. The author identifies trends in these views, from a Eurasian approach focused on building a lasting alliance with Iran to a view that advocates using Iran as a bargaining chip in dealing with the West. A more guarded view of Iran has become dominant in the past years, the author argues, and is likely to continue in the near future despite vacillations in Russian foreign policy.

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Dmitry Shlapentokh - Russian Elite Image of Iran; From the Late Soviet Era to the Present (2009).pdf

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