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Kobieta

widziany: 28.12.2018 19:24

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This book is a history of commercial broadcast radio networks in the United States from the 1920s to the present. It covers the four transcontinental webs that operated during the pre-television Golden Age, plus local and regional hookups, and the developments that have occurred in the decades since, including the impact of television, rise of the disc jockey, the rise of talk radio and other specialized formats, implications of satellite technology and consolidation of networks and local stations.

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The American cinema of terrorism, although coming to prominence primarily in the 1970s amidst high-profile Palestinian terrorist activity, actually dates back to the beginnings of the Cold War. But this early terrorist cinema, centered largely around the Bomb--who had it, who would use it, and when--differs greatly from the terrorist cinema that would follow. Changing world events soon broadened the cinema of terrorism to address emerging international conflicts, including Black September, pre-9/11 Middle Eastern conflicts, and the post-9/11 "War on Terror." This analytical filmography of American terrorist films establishes terrorist cinema as a unique subgenre with distinct thematic narrative and stylistic trends. It covers all major American films dealing with terrorism, from Otto Preminger's Exodus (1960) to Ridley Scott's Body of Lies (2008).

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Many Americans are bewildered by the hostilities and even hatred toward the United States on the part of newly independent Third World nations. Are we not the country of freedom and hope? Doesn't almost everybody want to come here and share in the benefits of our great system, the American way of life? Are we not the leader of the world democratic movement? Why are we so often seen as repressive and anti-democratic? Why does it matter? These are the questions that experienced diplomat and scholar David D. Newsom seeks to understand in this thoughtful review of US relations with the Third World since World War II. Newsom traces the upheavals in the post-war era as the peoples of British, Dutch, Belgium, and Portuguese empires demanded and gained independence. The new nations had a sense of shared heritage and pressed the industrial world for assistance in trade and financial concessions. They were especially strident in the United Nations General Assembly. As the most powerful leader of the free world, despite its anti-colonial heritage, the United States tended to inherit the imperial mantle in this period, becoming the focus both of expectations and demands from the new nations. How the United States lived up to these expectations, and how it responded to the challenge of world leadership and the burdens of being number one constitute the central issues engaged by this book. It is must reading for anyone who wants to understand the foreign policy challenges that America will face in the twenty-first century.

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Political Prairie Fire was first published in 1955. Minnesota Archive Editions uses digital technology to make long-unavailable books once again accessible, and are published unaltered from the original University of Minnesota Press editions. Political Prairie Fire was first published in 1955. The farmers of North Dakota were ripe for revolt when the magnetic figure of A. C. Townley strode into their midst and offered them a new political formula to redress their grievances. Townley's plan was simple but revolutionary; it called for the formation of a Nonpartisan Political League dedicated to the election of candidates through the established two-party system and to a platform emphasizing public ownership of certain vital farm services and facilities, such as terminal grain elevators and hail insurance on crops. Like the great prairie fires of the plains states, the political flames of the Nonpartisan League spread swiftly from one farm to the next across North Dakota and into the adjoining states. The League is regarded by many as the last of the great agrarian protest movements. It is historically significant because it achieved a measure of success well beyond that of most similar movements. It controlled the government of one state for some years, elected state officials and legislators in a number of midwestern and western states, and sent several congressmen to Washington. Its impact helped shape the destinies of a dozen states and the political philosophies of an important segment of the nation's voters. The League's methods of operation often serve today as a guide for political action. This is the first detailed, unbiased history of the Nonpartisan League. Thoroughly documented for the specialist, it is nevertheless equally interesting for the general reader.

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What is radio Free Europe? Where does it broadcast? Who runs it? What are its purposes? Although thousands of Americans are familiar with Radio Free Europe (many have contributed to its support through the Crusade for Freedom campaigns), few know enough about its background to answer these and similar questions. In this book a political scientist with first-hand knowledge gives a detailed account of the organization and development of this unique propaganda enterprise. Radio Free Europe was established as a private broadcasting project in 1949 by the Free Europe Committee, headed by Joseph C. Grew, as part of the Committee’s program of broad, long-range assistance to democratic exiles from totalitarian countries. The operational headquarters are located at Munich, and the broadcasts are directed to the people of five satellite countries: Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, and Poland. Professor Holt tells how Radio Free Europe was established, outlines its basic policies and objectives, describes its organization, personnel, programing, and services, discusses transmission problems, and examines the effectiveness of the propaganda. He describes in detail the role of RFE in connection with the uprisings in Poland and Hungary and analyzes the charges that RFE stimulated the Hungarian revolt.

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This book considers the Vietnam war in light of U.S. foreign policy in Vietnam, concluding that the war was a direct result of failed state-building efforts. This U.S. nation building project began in the mid-1950s with the ambitious goal of creating a new independent, democratic, modern state below the 17th parallel. No one involved imagined this effort would lead to a major and devastating war in less than a decade. Carter analyzes how the United States ended up fighting a large-scale war that wrecked the countryside, generated a flood of refugees, and brought about catastrophic economic distortions, results which actually further undermined the larger U.S. goal of building a viable state. Carter argues that, well before the Tet Offensive shocked the viewing public in late January, 1968, the campaign in southern Vietnam had completely failed and furthermore, the program contained the seeds of its own failure from the outset.

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The concept of "un-Americanism", so vital to the HUAC crusade of the 1940s and 1950s, was resoundingly revived in the emotional rhetoric that followed the September 11th terrorist attacks. Today's political and cultural climate makes it more crucial than ever to come to terms with the consequences of this earlier period of repression and with the contested claims of Americanism that it generated."Un-American" Hollywood reopens the intense critical debate on the blacklist era and on the aesthetic and political work of the Hollywood Left. In a series of fresh case studies focusing on contexts of production and reception, the contributors offer exciting and original perspectives on the role of progressive politics within a capitalist media industry.Original essays scrutinize the work of individual practitioners, such as Robert Rossen, Joseph Losey, Jules Dassin, and Edward Dmytryk, and examine key films, including "The Robe", "Christ in Concrete", "The House I Live In", "The Lawless", "The Naked City", "The Prowler", "Body and Soul", and "FTA".

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Red Scare was first published in 1955. Minnesota Archive Editions uses digital technology to make long-unavailable books once again accessible, and are published unaltered from the original University of Minnesota Press editions. Few periods in American history have been so dramatic, so fraught with mystery, or so bristling with fear and hysteria as were the days of the great Red Scare that followed World War I. For sheer excitement, it would be difficult to find a more absorbing tale than the one told here. The famous Palmer raids of that era are still remembered as one of the most fantastic miscarriages of justice ever perpetrated upon the nation. The violent labor strife still makes those who lived through it shudder as they recall the Seattle general strike and Boston police strike, the great coal and steel strikes, and the bomb plots, shootings, and riots that accompanied these conflicts. But, exciting as the story may be, it has far greater significance than merely that of a lively tale. For, just as American was swept by a wave of unreasoning fear and was swayed by sensational propaganda in those days, so are we being tormented by similar tensions in the present climate of the cold war. The objective analysis of the great Red Scare which Mr. Murray provides should go a long way toward helping us to avert some of the tragic consequences that the nation suffered a generation ago before hysteria and fear had finally run their course. The author traces the roots of the phenomenon, relates the outstanding events of the Scare, and evaluates the significant effects of the hysteria upon subsequent American life.

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Few of us question the slips of green paper that come and go in our purses, pockets, and wallets. Yet confidence in the money supply is a recent phenomenon: prior to the Civil War, the United States did not have a single, national currency. Instead, countless banks issued paper money in a bewildering variety of denominations and designs--more than ten thousand different kinds by 1860. Counterfeiters flourished amid this anarchy, putting vast quantities of bogus bills into circulation.Their success, Stephen Mihm reveals, is more than an entertaining tale of criminal enterprise: it is the story of the rise of a country defined by a freewheeling brand of capitalism over which the federal government exercised little control. It was an era when responsibility for the country's currency remained in the hands of capitalists for whom "making money" was as much a literal as a figurative undertaking.

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In 1945, the United States was not only the strongest economic and military power in the world; it was also the world's leader in science and technology. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures in the United States to model postwar scientific practices and institutions in Western Europe on those in America. They mobilized political and financial support to promote not just America's scientific and technological agendas in Western Europe but its Cold War political and ideological agendas as well.

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Designed for convenience, The American Marketplace draws on scores of government and proprietary sources to give you a population profile of the United States in one handy volume. Its hundreds of tables are organized into 11 chapters covering attitudes, education, health, housing, income, labor force, living arrangements, population, spending, time use, and wealth.
New to this edition of The American Marketplace is a chapter on attitudes based on data from the recently released 2008 General Social Survey. Also new is a chapter on time use that examines data from the 2007 American Time Use Survey. Plus, you get a look at the latest data on the changing housing market and demographic profiles of who owns those homes. Included are the latest income and labor force data and new projections of the Asian, black, and Hispanic populations to 2025. Data in the spending chapter reveal how spending patterns are changing. The wealth chapter has been updated with the latest and most timely findings from the Survey of Consumer Finances.

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The activities we choose to do each day and the amount of time we allot to each activity determine the quality of our family life, the unique features of our culture, and the driving forces of our economy. American Time Use: Who Spends How Long at What presents the details about how people spend their time by the single most important factor determining time use—their age. A person's age determines his or her lifecycle stage, and lifecycle stage determines whether he or she is in school, in the workforce, married, or a parent. Lifecycle stage sets our priorities, determining how we spend each day.
The detailed time use data presented in American Time Use are not available on any government web site. They were obtained from the Bureau of Labor Statistics' new American Time Use Survey upon special request. The extensive comparisons of time use by lifecycle stage included in the book are also not available from the federal government. New Strategist's statisticians analyzed the raw time use data to produce the percentages of people participating in activities, the indexes, and the rankings—each of which reveals significant differences in time use by lifecycle stage.
If you have ever wondered while watching TV why advertisers are so intent on selling snack or sleep aids or cleaning products—or even why they spend so much money on television advertising at all—time use data has the answers. American Time Use gives you the answers. New Strategist has done the work for you, placing the important American Time Use survey at your fingertips.

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Eighteen unforgettable routes along riverways and ridges, down rustic roads and coulees, and over 1,800 miles of southern Wisconsin’s best rides

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An account of Boston's planning history. Nine chapters detail the key developments that shaped each period of Boston's growth, focusing on the post-World War II era. The text describes the process and significance of all the major projects - from the first wharves to the latest skyscrapers.

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