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widziany: 20.12.2012 22:27

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3765 plików
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  • 13,7 MB
  • 27 lip 12 13:38

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For years people have tried to persuade the leader of the Cuban Revolution to tell his own life story. Here, finally, Ignacio Ramonet, well-known activist and editor of "Le Monde Diplomatique", has succeeded. For the first time, in a series of probing interviews, Fidel Castro describes his life, from the 1950s all the way up to the present day. He discusses his parents, his earliest influences, the beginnings of the revolution, his relationship with Che Guevara, the Bay of Pigs, the Carter years, Cuban migration to the US. And along the way, Ramonet challenges Castro to discuss his views on a number of controversial questions, from human rights and freedom of the press to the repression of homosexuality and the survival of the death penalty, and he gives his opinion of other leaders, alive and dead, including George Bush and Tony Blair.

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A brilliant and original analysis of the fall of communism that focuses on the impact of its cumulative failures on the communist elite. It is a reflection of the limitations of Soviet studies, not just in the United States, that Hollander (Sociology/Univ. of Mass.; Political Pilgrims, 1981, etc.) is the first analyst to do so. Most Sovietologists have tried to explain the fall of communism in institutional terms. They have looked at the economic failure of the USSR, or its warring nationalities, or its imperial overstretch. Hollander instead examines the erosion of the leadership's belief in the inevitable triumph of communism and their growing discomfort about the gap between its utopian ends and its brutal means, between professed ideals and bleak reality. He considers four groups: the defectors and exiles, the reformers and high-level functionaries, the leadership in Eastern Europe, and the state security apparatchiks. The process of disillusionment was profoundly painful for many. There had been an element of religious faith in their convictions. Some were shocked when they first encountered the freedom and abundance of the West, ``a standing rebuke to and refutation of everything the Soviet system claimed it stood for.'' Others (like both Mikhail and Raisa Gorbachev) nurtured terrible memories of loved ones exiled or shot. Many were appalled by the privileges of the elite and the contrast with the misery of the poor, by their own private well-stocked stores, their country dachas with staffs of a dozen, and the greedy fights over the possessions of fellow party members who had been executed. Their disillusionment, Hollander notes, remained well under control until they themselves were purged, but it clearly affected the devotion with which they fought to maintain the system. A thoughtful and timely reminder that regimes, no matter how seemingly invincible, are built, maintained, and ultimately betrayed by people.

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In 1945 the American and British armies captured the archives of the German Foreign Office which had been evacuated from Berlin. This collection of the most significant documents bearing on German-Soviet relations during 1939-1941 was originally published by the U. S. Department of State in 1948.

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This book provides a wide-ranging history of every aspect of Stalin's dictatorship over the peoples of the Soviet Union. Drawing on a huge array of primary and secondary sources, The Stalin Era is a first-hand account of Stalinist thought, policy, and the effects of both of these. The book places the man and his ideology into context both within pre-Revolutionary Russia, Lenin's Soviet Union, and post-Stalinist Russia. The Stalin Era examines collectivization; industrialization; terror; government; the cult of Stalin; education and science; family; religion and the Russian Orthodox Church; and art and the state.

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Autor, historyk angielski o światowej sławie, porównuje życiorysy dwóch dyktatorów oraz systemy totalitarne, które stworzyli - faszyzm i komunizm - i dochodzi do wniosku, że miały one wiele cech wspólnych.

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Przed ponad trzydziestu laty, gdy mało jeszcze zdawano sobie sprawę z całego niebezpieczeństwa komunizmu, jeden z najznakomitszych polskich pisarzy i mężów stanu, były
premier Jan Kucharzewski, postanowił poświęcić całe swe dalsze życie naukowemu wykazaniu, że "droga od białego do czerwonego caratu" prowadzi w nieubłaganej konsekwencji rozwoju dziejowego Rosji do katastrofy, grożącej nie tylko Polsce, ale całemu wolnemu światu (z przedmowy).




Jan Kucharzewski (ur. 27 maja 1876 w Wysokiem Mazowieckiem, zm. 4 lipca 1952 w Nowym Jorku) – polski historyk, prawnik, polityk, premier (1917–1918).

Życiorys

W 1898 ukończył Wydział Prawny Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, od 1906 pracował jako adwokat. Był członkiem Zetu i Bratniej Pomocy. Pierwsze lata I wojny światowej spędził w Szwajcarii, gdzie prowadził działalność publicystyczną na rzecz sprawy polskiej. W czerwcu 1917 wrócił do Warszawy. Rozpoczął pracę w administracji podległej Radzie Regencyjnej. Od 26 listopada 1917 do 27 lutego 1918 pełnił urząd Prezesa Ministrów. W okresie międzywojennnym doradca przy Radzie Ministrów i MSZ, następnie zajmował się działalnością naukową i publicystyczną. W czasie II wojny światowej przebywał w USA, gdzie wielokrotnie zabierał głos na rzecz Polski, zwłaszcza z pozycji antysowieckich i antykomunistycznych (1942–1952). Prezes Polskiego Instytut Naukowego w Nowym Jorku.

Jako historyk zajmował się głównie dziejami Rosji i Polski w XIX i XX w. Był członkiem Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego (od 1921 członek rzeczywisty, od 1929 członek zwyczajny) i Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności (od 1926 członek-korespondent, od 1936 członek czynny). Niektóre publikacje:

Socyalizm prawniczy (1906)
Sprawa polska w parlamencie frankfurckim 1848 roku (1908)
Réflexions sur le problème Polonais, Lausanne 1916, ss. 91 (1916)
Maurycy Mochnacki (1910)
Epoka Paskiewiczowska. Losy oświaty (1914)
Od białego caratu do czerwonego (tom 1–7, Warszawa 1923–1935, Wyd. Kasy im Mianowskiego), Wyd. I powojenne pod red. nauk. Andrzeja Szwarca i Pawła Wieczorkiewicza. Warszawa 1998-2000 Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN
The Origin of Modern Russia (1948), wyd. polskie: Od białego do czerwonego caratu z przedmową Oskara Haleckiego, London 1986, Veritas Foundation Publication Centre.

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An examination of political, social and cultural developments in the Soviet Union. The book identifies the social tensions and political inconsistencies that spurred radical change in the government of Russia, from the turn of the century to the revolution of 1917. Kenez envisions that revolution as a crisis of authority that posed the question, ??Who shall govern Russia?' This question was resolved with the creation of the Soviet Union. Kenez traces the development of the Soviet Union from the Revolution, through the 1920s, the years of the New Economic Policies and into the Stalinist order.He shows how post-Stalin Soviet leaders struggled to find ways to rule the country without using Stalin's methods but also without openly repudiating the past, and to negotiate a peaceful but antipathetic coexistence with the capitalist West. In this new edition, he also examines the post-Soviet period, tracing Russia's development up to the present day.

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In this collection of essays David A Dyker explores some of the most difficult and fascinating aspects of the process of transition from autocratic "real socialism" to a capitalism that is sometimes democratic, sometimes authoritarian. The stress is on the economic dimension of transformation, but the author sets the economic drama firmly within a political economy framework and a historical perspective. Trends in key economic variables are analysed against the background of the struggle between different social and political groups for power and command over resources. While the book pays due attention to topical issues like EU enlargement, the underlying perspective is a long-term one. Transition is viewed not as a set of once-and-for-ali institutional changes or a process of short-term stabilisation, but as a historic opportunity to solve the inherited problem of poverty and underdevelopment in Central-East Europe and the former Soviet Union. The book ends with a critical assessment of how economics, as a discipline, has coped with the challenge of that historic opportunity.

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In this comprehensive study of the artistic culture of the region between the Iron Curtain and the former Soviet Union, Piotr Piotrowski chronicles the relationship between avant-garde art production and post-World War II politics in such Iron Curtain nations as Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, East Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and the former Yugoslavia.
Beginning with an analysis of surrealism in the Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary, Piotrowski then examines the evolution of modernist art against the decline of Stalinism. He later chronicles the neo-avant-garde art movement during the height of socialism in the 1970s. In the Shadow of Yalta concludes with the rise of commercial art development at the end of the communist era.
Featuring more than 200 images, most by artists largely unfamiliar to an English-speaking audience, In the Shadow of Yalta is a fascinating portrait of the inspiring art made in a region—and at a time—of critical importance in modern Europe. This comprehensive study will introduce historians, art critics, and scholars to significant artists from Central and Eastern Europe and will illuminate an influential period in

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This is an elegant and concise history of American foreign relations during the Cold War era, based on the most recent American, Chinese, and Soviet literature, written from a post-Cold War perspective. All of the major foreign policy issues, including the origins of the Soviet-American conflict; the extension of the confrontation to Asia, the Middle East, and elsewhere on the periphery; wars in Korea and Vietnam; crises involving the Taiwan Straits, Berlin, and Cuba; the rise and fall of detente; imperial overreach; and the critical roles of Reagan and Gorbachev in the 1980s are carefully analyzed and clearly explained.

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North Korea remains the most mysterious of all Communist countries. The acute shortage of available sources has made it a difficult subject of scholarship. Through his access to Soviet archival material made available only a decade ago, contemporary North Korean press accounts, and personal interviews, Andrei Lankov presents for the first time a detailed look at one of the turning points in North Korean history: the country's unsuccessful attempts to de-Stalinize in the mid-1950s. He demonstrates that, contrary to common perception, North Korea was not a realm of undisturbed Stalinism; Kim Il Sung had to deal with a reformist opposition that was weak but present nevertheless.
Lankov traces the impact of Soviet reforms on North Korea, placing them in the context of contemporaneous political crises in Poland and Hungary. He documents the dissent among various social groups (intellectuals, students, party cadres) and their attempts to oust Kim in the unsuccessful "August plot" of 1956. His reconstruction of the Peng-Mikoyan visit of that year--the most dramatic Sino-Soviet intervention into Pyongyang politics--shows how it helped bring an end to purges of the opposition. The purges, however, resumed in less than a year as Kim skillfully began to distance himself from both Moscow and Beijing. The final chapters of this fascinating and revealing study deal with events of the late 1950s that eventually led to Kim's version of "national Stalinism." Lankov unearths data that, for the first time, allows us to estimate the scale and character of North Korea's Great Purge.

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W północnokoreańskim komunistycznym raju nie uświadczysz aniołów, radosnych dźwięków harf i lutni, doniosłego alleluja. Nie znajdziesz barwnych ogrodów czy krainy mlekiem i miodem płynącej. Są tam za to głód i obozy koncentracyjne. Ludzie wychwalają swego Pana Kim Ir Sena i jego syna – Kim Dzong Ila w zaciszu własnych, ubogich mieszkań. W pokornej modlitwie proszą Ukochanego Wodza, by uchronił ich od śmierci głodowej.

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From humble beginnings in rural Hunan, Mao Zedong became the "Great Helmsman" of Communist China. By the time he died in 1976, he had profoundly changed the course of history. His increasingly erratic whims and graspings at a wild utopia destabilized his immense achievements, and he was ultimately responsible for the deaths of perhaps 60 million people. Jonathan Spence brings great erudition to the story of this flawed colossus. He is particularly enlightening on Mao's early years--it is nearly two-thirds through the book before Mao stands on the walls of the Forbidden City in October 1949 and declares the establishment of the People's Republic of China. The young revolutionary's infamous willfulness is soon apparent, yet Spence rounds out his character by, for example, quoting a poem to his beloved first wife and mentioning the profit he made from an early capitalist venture, a bookstore. Mao Zedong is excellent biography--and more. China was convulsed for nearly a century by almost constant war and revolution, and Spence uses the life of the man at the heart of so many historic events to elucidate the whole momentous epoch. In his many writings, Spence has proved a master at making complex themes easy to understand, and this compact book provides yet another example of his skills.

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Translation into English, from Swedish, of the report "Brott mot mänskligheten under kommunistiska regimer: Forskningsöversikt". Stockholm:

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For more than half of the twentieth century, the Korean peninsula has been divided between two hostile and competitive nation-states, each claiming to be the sole legitimate expression of the Korean nation. The division remains an unsolved problem dating to the beginnings of the Cold War and now projects the politics of that period into the twenty-first century. Korea's Twentieth-Century Odyssey is designed to provide readers with the historical essentials upon which to unravel the complex politics and contemporary crises that currently exist in the East Asian region. Beginning with a description of late-nineteenth-century imperialism, Michael Robinson shows how traditional Korean political culture shaped the response of Koreans to multiple threats to their sovereignty after being opened to the world economy by Japan in the 1870s. He locates the origins of both modern nationalism and the economic and cultural modernization of Korea in the twenty years preceding the fall of the traditional state to Japanese colonialism in 1910.

Robinson breaks new ground with his analysis of the colonial period, tracing the ideological division of contemporary Korea to the struggle of different actors to mobilize a national independence movement at the time. More importantly, he locates the reason for successful Japanese hegemony in policies that included--and thus implicated--Koreans within the colonial system. He gives readers access as well to an understanding of the unique aspects of Japanese colonialism in Korea--in particular how the relatively intensive economic development of the colony in the mid-1930s laid the foundation for subsequent development of human resources as well as the economy of the postwar period. Robinson concludes with a discussion of the political and economic evolution of South and North Korea after 1948 that accounts for the valid legitimacy claims of both nation-states on the peninsula. He thus carefully analyzes the sources of authoritarianism in South Korea while detailing its relationship to stunning economic growth after 1960 and to the democracy movement through the 1970s and 1980s. He closes with a description of South Korean politics, noting that although procedural democracy triumphed after 1987, the development of a true pluralism representing all interest groups remains a work in progress.

Korea's Twentieth-Century Odyssey succinctly and deftly captures the key contours of the country's past. Its balanced analytical narrative of the historical forces that shaped the political, economic, and social dynamics of the two Koreas make it a first-rate introduction to modern Korea and an excellent companion to courses on modern Korean society, politics, and history.

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Michael Dockrill's concise study of the early years of the Cold War between the Western Powers and Soviet Union has been widely acclaimed as an authoritative guide to the subject. In this second edition, he and Michael Hopkins bring the story up to the events of 1991, and also expand coverage of key topics.

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