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widziany: 17.08.2021 10:16

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Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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The object of this book is to provide a from of reference on a navy which has grown from an ill-assorted bunch of ships with very little operational value to be one of the two most powerful navies in the world in under thirty years.

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This study offers a close examination of Marxs dialectical method of analysis through the lens of current debates in cultural studies, political economy, and critical sociology. It seeks to reanimate Marxs theoretical reconstruction of the capitalist formation from the point of view of recent and emerging social dynamics within advanced consumer economies

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The Berlin Wall — symbol of a divided city within a divided nation within a divided continent — marked the geopolitical and ideological cleavage of Cold War Europe. Its demise marked the triumph of western models of personal autonomy and economic entrepreneurialism, and of the desire to live in freedom. Among the voices gathered here are those of leading scholars, a dissident from a time when dissent required real bravery, and a journalist who was there when the walls came down all through Eastern Europe.

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Written in the present tense, First They Killed My Father will put you right in the midst of the action--action you'll wish had never happened. It's a tough read, but definitely a worthwhile one, and the author's personality and strength shine through on every page. Covering the years from 1975 to 1979, the story moves from the deaths of multiple family members to the forced separation of the survivors, leading ultimately to the reuniting of much of the family, followed by marriages and immigrations. The brutality seems unending--beatings, starvation, attempted rape, mental cruelty--and yet the narrator (a young girl) never stops fighting for escape and survival. Sad and courageous, her life and the lives of her young siblings provide quite a powerful example of how war can so deeply affect children--especially a war in which they are trained to be an integral part of the armed forces. For anyone interested in Cambodia's recent history, this book shares a valuable personal view of events.

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Katalog Zawiery opisy odznak i oznaczeń używanych prze Wojsko polskie w czasie PRL.

Spis treści ( w skrócie):
Przedmowa
Wykaz skrótów
I Odznaki wojskowe ustanowione przez sejm PRL lub Radę Państwa
II Odznaki ustanowione lub zatwierdzone przez Ministerstwo Obrony Narodowej
- Odznaki honorowe i pamiątkowe
- Odznaki Centrum Wyszkolenia i kursów wojskowych
- Odznaki akademii wojskowych
- Odznaki szkół oficerskich - 1945-1956
- Odznaki szkół oficerskich - 1947-1950
- Odznaki szkół oficerskich - 1952-1965
- Odznaki wyższych szkół oficerskich oraz szkół oficerów rezerwy - 1972
- Odznaki szkół chorążych i podoficerskich oraz Wieczorowego Uniwersytetu Marksizmu-Leninizmu
- Odznaki wzorowego dowódcy i szefa pododdziału oraz słuchaczy szkół wojskowych - 1973
- Odznaki wzorowych żołnierzy i specjalistów wojskowych
- Odznaki specjalistów lotniczych
- Odznaki skoczków spadochronowych
- Odznaki wojsk powietrzno-desantowych
- Odznaki wojsk obrony powietrznej kraju
- Wojskowe odznaki sprawności fizycznej
III Odznaki wyróżniające (za zasługi) oraz pamiątkowe (wybór)
IV Orzełki i emblematy na czapki wojskowe
V Oznaki korpusów osobowych oraz szkół wojskowych
- Orzełki marszałków i generałów
- Oznaki korpusów osobowych wojsk lądowych i lotniczych
- Oznaki szkolne podchorążych, kadetów i elewów szkół wojskowych
VI Oznaki organizacyjne i rozpoznawcze rodzajów wojski i służb oraz oznaki wyróżniające specjalistów wojskowych
- Oznaki organizacyjne i rozpoznawcze
- Emblematy i oznaki wyróżniające
- Oznaki rozpoznawcze rodzajów wojska i służb
- Oznaki specjalistów wojskowych wojsk lądowych, lotniczych i Marynarki Wojennej
- Oznaki specjalistów wojsk lądowych
- Oznaki specjalistów wojskowych wojsk lotniczych i obrony powietrznej kraju
- Oznaki specjalistów wojskowych Marynarki Wojennej
- Oznaki noszone w latach 1952-1971
- Oznaki wprowadzone w 1973r.
- Oznaki z 1973r. z tłoczonymi cyframi 1, 2, 3 lub literą M
VII Tablice ilustracyjne

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The study of the democratic transitions of former Communist states has been fertile ground for students of politics. This book provides a novel "ground up" perspective by examining the ways in which ordinary people have viewed and responded to democracy. Examining a number of countries at different stages of transition, they argue that democracy has been understood differently in different places and with varying levels of approval. The authors define their research within the context of each country's history and relate their analysis to future prospects for reform.

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W latach 1950-53 na Półwyspie Koreańskim toczyła się wojna, w którą zaangażowały się światowe mocarstwa. Sytuacja międzynarodowa była jeszcze bardziej napięta niż podczas kryzysu kubańskiego i wydawało się, że trzecia wojna światowa może wybuch nąć w każdym momencie. Obie strony podejrzewały, że wojna w Korei jest wstępem do większego i groźniejszego konfliktu na skalę światową. Po raz pierwszy i ostatni w historii zimnej wojny na polu bitwy spotkały się jednocześnie Chiny i Związek Radziecki z jednej strony i Stany Zjednoczone wraz z zachodnioeuropejskimi sojusznikami z drugiej. Armie Chin brały udział w wielkich starciach lądowych z wojskami ONZ. O dominację w powietrzu nad Koreą Północną walczyły samoloty chińskie, radzieckie i amerykańskie. W Korei zmagali się nie tylko pomniejsi sojusznicy światowych potęg, jak później w Wietnamie czy Afganistanie, lecz same światowe mocarstwa* Konflikt ten zmienił stosunki między Wschodem a Zachodem i miał kluczowe znaczenie dla zmiany sposobu prowadzenia wojen.

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This book examines the relationship between the Russian Communist Party and the Russian working class between 1920-24, immediately after the civil war and during the first years of the New Economic Policy (NEP). Based on extensive original research, which casts much new light on this period, both from the perspective of the rank and file as well as the leadership, the book discusses working-class collective action in 1920, workers' responses to the 1921 crisis, including the Kronstadt revolt, and the successes of the non-party workers' movement in the elections of 1921. It shows how during and after the 1921 crisis the working class was politically expropriated by the Bolshevik party, and how democratic forms such as soviets and factory committees were deprived of decision-making power. Simon Pirani examines how during this period the Soviet ruling class began to take shape, preferring in 1922-23 mass mobilization campaigns in which workers remained politically passive, rather than the participatory mass democracy which had flourished in 1917. The Russian Revolution in Retreat, 1920-24 shows how, whilst some people argued that the principles of 1917 had been betrayed, others accepted a social contract under which workers were assured of improvements in living standards in exchange for increased labour discipline and productivity, and a surrender of political power, with political power becoming concentrated in the party, and, increasingly, in the party elite.

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The Khrushchev era is increasingly seen as a period in its own right, and not just as "post-Stalinism" or a forerunner of subsequent "thaws" and "reform from within". This book provides a comprehensive history of reform in the period, focusing especially on social and cultural developments, about which a great deal of information has become available since the opening of the former Soviet archives, and which cast much light on how far official policies correlated with popular views. Overall the book appraises how far "Destalinisation" went; and whether developments in the period represented a real desire for reform, or rather an attempt to fortify the Soviet system, but on different lines.

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Nikita Khrushchev's proclamation from the floor of the United Nations that "we will bury you" is one of the most chilling and memorable moments in the history of the Cold War, but from the Cuban Missile Crisis to his criticism of the Soviet ruling structure late in his career, the motivation for Khrushchev's actions wasn't always clear. Many Americans regarded him as a monster, while in the USSR he was viewed at various times as either hero or traitor. But what was he really like, and what did he really think? Readers of Khrushchev's memoirs will now be able to answer these questions for themselves (and will discover that what Khrushchev really said at the UN was "we will bury colonialism").

This is the second volume of three in what will be the only complete and fully reliable version of the memoirs available in English. In the first volume, published in 2004, Khrushchev takes his story up to the close of World War II. In the first section of this second volume, he covers the period from 1945 to 1956, from the famine and devastation of the immediate aftermath of the war to Stalin's death, the subsequent power struggle, and the Twentieth Party Congress. The remaining sections are devoted to Khrushchev's recollections and thoughts about various domestic and international problems. In the second and third sections, he recalls the virgin lands and other agricultural campaigns and his dealings with nuclear scientists and weapons designers. He also considers other sectors of the economy, specifically construction and the provision of consumer goods, administrative reform, and questions of war, peace, and disarmament. In the last section, he discusses the relations between the party leadership and the intelligentsia.

Included among the appendixes are the notebooks of Nina Petrovna Kukharchuk, Khrushchev's wife.


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In January, 1965, Jenkins was a U.S. Army sergeant stationed in South Korea. Sure that he was about to be sent to Vietnam, he drank ten beers, abandoned his patrol, and crossed into North Korea. He spent the next four decades in a country that had become "a giant, demented prison," until the Japanese government secured his release, along with that of his Japanese wife, who had been abducted by the North Koreans. Jenkins’s book is oddly compelling. The blank ordinariness of his character brings out the moral and physical ugliness of life in North Korea, where soldiers steal and beg for food; a dog digs up a fresh mass grave (and the next day all the dogs in the neighborhood are shot); and Jenkins awakens to the bleak, deadening realization that his two daughters are being groomed as spies. "I would always tell them, ‘we are not in the real world. This is not the real world,’" Jenkins writes of his daughters. "But they didn’t believe me."

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The Big Three in Economics reveals the battle of ideas among the three most influential economists in world history: Adam Smith, representing laissez faire; Karl Marx, reflecting the radical socialist model; and John Maynard Keynes, symbolizing big government and the welfare state. History comes alive in this fascinating story of opposing views that continue to play a fundamental role in today's politics and economics. In the twenty-first century, Adam Smith's 'invisible hand' model has gained the upper hand, and capitalism has ultimately won the ideological battle over socialism and interventionism. But even in the era of globalization and privatization, Keynesian and Marxist ideas continue to play a significant role in economic policy in the public and private sectors.

About the Author
MARK SKOUSEN has taught economics at Columbia University, is editor of Forecasts & Strategies, a monthly investment newsletter, and is the author of more than twenty books, including The Making of Modern Economics.

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"Communism is not love. Communism is a hammer, which we use to crush the enemy."- Mao Zedong"

These early philosophical writings underpinned the Chinese revolutions and their clarion calls to insurrection remain some of the most stirring of all time. Drawing on a dizzying array of references from contemporary culture and politics, Zizek's firecracker commentary reaches unsettling conclusions about the place of Mao's thought in the revolutionary canon.

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This book examines the legacy of Antonio Gramsci and Leon Trotsky in the shadow of Stalinism in order to reassess the very different and distorted academic reception of the two figures, as well as to contribute to the revitalization of Marxism for our time. While Gramsci and Trotsky lived and died in a similar fashion, as revolutionary Marxist leaders and theoreticians, their reception in academia could not be more different. Gramsci has become tremendously popular, becoming a central figure in many disciplines, while Trotsky remains largely ignored. Saccarelli argues that not only is Gramsci popular for the wrong reasons--being routinely distorted and depoliticized--even when rescued from his contemporary users, Gramsci remains inadequate. Conversely, the fact that Trotsky remains beyond the pale of "theory" is a terrible indictment of the current state of academic thinking.

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Save for the introduction of nuclear weapons, the Soviet victory over Germany was the most fatelul development of World War II. Both wrought changes and raised problems that have constantly preoccupied the world in the more than twenty years since the war ended. The purpose of this volume is to investigate one aspect of the Soviet victory - how the war was won on the battlefield. The author sought, in following the march of the Soviet and German armies from Stalingrad to Berlin, to depict the war as it was and to describe the manner in which the Soviet Union emerged as the predominant military power in Europe.

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