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widziany: 17.08.2021 10:16

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Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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Except for Hitler, perhaps no 20th-century historical figure has more speculation swirling about him than Stalin. But this work by two former Soviet dissidents only partially clears the mist. The work is no chronological biography; instead, it is organized thematically, making it difficult for those unfamiliar with the issues. Another of the book's weaknesses is that some of the legends the authors debunk, such as the charge that Stalin was poisoned, are not widely believed in the West. Despite these flaws, there's a lot of fascinating material. Not surprisingly, since Zhores Medvedev (The Legacy of Chernobyl) is a former Soviet scientist, much of it has to do with Stalin's attitude toward science. The authors (Roy wrote Let History Judge) show how Stalin was at heart a scientific totalitarian-he was willing to modify his view of science if it served his purposes, but unwilling to open up science to outside forces. Instead, as he did in other aspects of Soviet life, Stalin changed his views on science to purge political opponents who might threaten his power base. The authors also detail a little-known nuclear accident in 1951, arguing convincingly that the toll from the accident at Chelyabinsk-40 (the actual number of whose victims is still unknown) was made worse because the officials chose a "course of action that would demand considerable human sacrifice." As others have emphasized, human sacrifice was the norm during the Stalinist era. But there's not enough new here to attract those who are not scholars or those already intrigued by Stalin's life.

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World-class science and technology developed in the Soviet Union during Stalin's dictatorial rule under conditions of political violence, lack of international contacts, and severe restrictions on the freedom of information. Stalin's Great Science: The Times and Adventures of Soviet Physicists is an invaluable book that investigates this paradoxical success by following the lives and work of Soviet scientists - including Nobel Prize-winning physicists Kapitza, Landau, and others - throughout the turmoil of wars, revolutions, and repression that characterized the first half of Russia's twentieth century. The book examines how scientists operated within the Soviet political order, communicated with Stalinist politicians, built a new system of research institutions, and conducted groundbreaking research under extraordinary circumstances. Some of their novel scientific ideas and theories reflected the influence of Soviet ideology and worldview and have since become accepted universally as fundamental concepts of contemporary science. In the process of making sense of the achievements of Soviet science, the book dismantles standard assumptions about the interaction between science, politics, and ideology, as well as many dominant stereotypes - mostly inherited from the Cold War - about Soviet history in general. Science and technology were not only granted unprecedented importance in Soviet society, but they also exerted a crucial formative influence on the Soviet political system itself. Unlike most previous studies, Stalin's Great Science recognizes the status of science as an essential element of the Soviet polity and explores the nature of a special relationship between experts (scientists and engineers) and communist politicians that enabled the initial rise of the Soviet state and its mature accomplishments, until the pact eroded in later years, undermining the communist regime from within.

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In Energiya-Buran: the Soviet Space Shuttle, the authors describe the long development path of the Soviet space shuttle system, consisting of the Energiya rocket and the Buran orbiter. The program eventually saw just one unmanned flight in November 1988 before the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union sealed its fate.
After a Foreword provided by lead Buran test pilot Igor Volk, the authors look at the experience gradually accumulated in high-speed aeronautics with the development of various Soviet rocket planes and intercontinental cruise missiles between the 1930s to 1950s and the study of several small spaceplanes in the 1960s. Next the authors explain how the perceived military threat of the US Space Shuttle led to the decision in February 1976 to build a Soviet equivalent, and explore the evolution of the design until it was frozen in 1979. Following this is a detailed technical description of both Energiya and Buran and a look at nominal flight scenarios and emergency situations, highlighting similarities and differences with the US Space Shuttle.
The authors then expand on the managerial aspects of the Energiya-Buran program, sum up the main design bureaus and production facilities involved in the project and describe the infrastructure needed to transport the hardware and prepare it for launch at the Baikonur cosmodrome. They go on to detail the selection and training of teams of civilian and military test pilots for Buran, crew assignments for the first manned missions and preparatory flights aboard Soyuz spacecraft.
Next the focus turns to the extensive test program that preceded the first flight of Buran, notably the often trouble-plagued test firings of rocket engines, the first flight of Energiya with the enigmatic Polyus payload, test flights of subscale models and atmospheric approach and landing tests. After an analysis of Western speculation on the Soviet space shuttle effort in the pre-glasnost era, a detailed account is given of final preparations for the maiden flight of Buran and the mission itself.
In the final chapters the authors look at the gradual demise of the project in the early 1990s, the fate of the Soviet orbiters and their cosmodrome infrastructure, cancelled missions, and the many planned derivatives of the Energiya rocket. Attention is also paid to technological spin-offs such as the Zenit and Sea Launch projects and the RD-180 and RD-191 rocket engines. Finally, an overview is given of alternative spaceplane proposals during and after the Buran era, including the MAKS air-launched spaceplane, the Kliper spacecraft and various single-stage-to-orbit systems.
The book closes off with key specifications of the Energiya-Buran system, short biographies of the Buran pilots, an extensive list of Russian acronyms, a short bibliographical essay and a detailed index. Based largely on Russian sources, it is richly illustrated with some 250 pictures and diagrams.
Although Energiya-Buran was primarily a program of unfulfilled promises and shattered dreams, it represented a major technological breakthrough for the Soviet Union and its story deserves to be told.

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When, in July 1969, the Americans decisively beat the Soviet Union in the race to put an astronaut on the moon, this event had profound historical, scientific and political implications. This book tells the story of the Soviet and Russian lunar programme, from its origins to the reconsideration of a lunar programme in the present-day federal Russian space programme. Following Sputnik, the first Soviet lunar flights achieved the key goals of hitting, circling and photographing the moon in 1959. The Soviet Union planned to achieve the biggest prize of them all –the first person to land on the moon – and built all the key spaceships required to do so, such as a lunar orbiter and lander. Brian Harvey describes the techniques devised by the USSR for lunar landing, from the LK lunar module to the LOK lunar orbiter and tested versions in Earth orbit. He asks whether these systems would have worked and, examining how well they were tested, concludes that they would have: the Soviet Union lost the moon race for political, not technical reasons. Designs for moon bases were even drawn up. In the end, the Soviet Union ran an impressive series of robotic missions from 1968 to 1976 to circle the moon, map the far side, conduct scientific observations from orbit, recover samples and rove over the surface. The scientific haul from these missions is surveyed: what was actually learned about the moon, its rocks and the lunar environment, that will be useful for the present plans by the United States to return to the moon and for other countries, such as India and China, to conduct their own lunar exploration.

The book opens in Surgut, Siberia, in August 1976, with a largely forgotten event: the return to Earth after a three-day journey from the moon, under a single parachute, of the tiny Luna 24 cabin, with a core sample drilled deep into the Sea of Crises, a remarkable scientific and engineering achievement. It ends with an examination of projected missions, from plans to explore the far side and set up lunar observatories to the Luna Glob explorer of the 1990s. There is also discussion of lunar tourism, using a modernized version of the Zond spacecraft which flew around the moon from1968 to 1970.

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Gokay provides an enlightening book that traces the relationship between the Soviet Union and Turkey on the one hand, and the Soviet Union and the Turkish Communist Party on the other, from the consolidation of the communist regime in Moscow until its fall. The book considers how 'Soviet Eastern Policy' was formed, how it changed over time, what the Soviet leaders hoped to gain in Turkey, and what impact Soviet policy had on the development of the Turkish communist movement. It is a valuable resource for students and scholars with an interest in Russian and Soviet politics and international relations.

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"Richard Combs was by training and experience a leading analyst of Soviet doctrine and behavior within the U.S. from the early 1960s until the late 1990s. His book combines scholarly exegesis with historical narrative. It will interest anyone seeking to make sense of the sudden collapse of the Soviet state. Its account of decision-making and advocacy within the Department of State and the National Security Council is equally compelling. In short, Mr. Combs has made a significant contribution to the international history of the twentieth century."—Richard H. Ullman, David K.E. Bruce Professor of International Affairs, Emeritus, Princeton University
“Synthesizing memoir, history, and policy analysis, Dick Combs’s book combines an instructive inside account of a high-ranking American diplomat’s years in the Soviet Union with a critical analysis of the evolution of Soviet thinking about world affairs. It also analyzes American thinking about the USSR and applies the lessons of all this to understand post-Soviet Russian politics and foreign policy, and American misperceptions thereof.”
—William Taubman, Amherst College
Much ink has been spilled by scholars, journalists, and former government officials from both the United States and the Soviet Union in efforts to explain how the Cold War came to an end and the Soviet system collapsed. Yet little consensus has emerged regarding these historic events. In this unique contribution to the debate, Dick Combs brings his many years of experience as academic researcher, policy analyst, and government insider to bear on these questions and finds the answer primarily in the destabilizing impact of Mikhail Gorbachev’s effort to modernize the Kremlin’s Stalinist mind-set.
Part I of the book sets the stage by affording the reader an “existential feel for the reality, including the psychological atmosphere, of Soviet communism” in everyday life as the author himself experienced it while serving as a young diplomat in the U.S. legation in Sofia, Bulgaria, in the late 1960s and later during eight years of diplomatic service at the U.S. embassy in Moscow. Part II then builds on this direct exposure to the Soviet mind-set to develop an analytical perspective on the causes for the Cold War’s end and the USSR’s disintegration as arising “essentially from Gorbachev’s attempt to reform the regime’s official conception of governance” once the Stalinist fixation on international class struggle had proven no longer viable as a basic rationale for policy making. Part III, finally, deploys this perspective to explain the unfolding of events that led to the ending of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet system, to reveal the relationship between the two, to point out the relevance of this explanation to current U.S. foreign policy, and to show how it can help us better understand what is happening in today’s Russia.

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As the Antarctic Treaty comes up for renewal and global warming increasingly becomes a reality, the polar regions have become the focus of renewed interest. Western policy in the Arctic regions has been well documented, but little is known of traditional Soviet policy in this area. The Soviet Arctic is the first book to consider Soviet policy in this region from a historical point of view. Pier Horensma analyzes the relationship between historic legacies and current Soviet Arctic policy, with particular emphasis on the Stalin period. The book also considers the international implications of Soviet policy and the effects of technological advance.

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The former Soviet Union entered the twentieth century as a conglomerate of lifestyles, religions, and cultures. During the course of the century, socioeconomic development started at different times and proceeded differently in different regions and in varying sociodemographic groups. Today, the western and northern parts of the former Soviet Union have the demographic characteristics of a developed country, while the Central Asian republics share the demographic patterns of developing countries. This comprehensive study provides an overview of demographic trends and patterns in the republics of the former Soviet Union. The contributors present data that has been evaluated by leading Soviet and Western demographers, including much that has only recently become available. The book forms the first compendium of demographic research on the former Soviet Union, providing a detailed review of Soviet demographic change fertility, marriage and the family, age and mortality through the twentieth century.

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The collapse of the Soviet Union would seem to sound the death knell for Marxism as a blueprint for social change. Why has this doctrine--the repository of so many hopes and dreams--failed in its grand ambition to liberate the human race from poverty and opion? Through a critical and systematic analysis of what Marx and his interpreters had to say about democracy, Joseph Femia sheds light on the reasons for this failure. His book explores the bewildering variety of Marxist attitudes to democracy, and relates this diversity to Marxism's inconsistent goals: active political participation and all-embracing central planning, human emancipation and collective submission to the dialectical "truths" of history. Dr. Femia explains why Marxism's internal contradictions have always, in practice, been "solved" through the imposition of despotic modes of government. Marxism's tragic flaw, he concludes, is its unwillingness to recognize the distinctiveness and independence of the individual.

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Fascism, Nazism, and Communism dominated the history of much of the twentieth century, yet comparatively little attention has focused on popular reactions to the regimes that sprang from these ideologies. Popular Opinion in Totalitarian Regimes is the first volume to investigate popular reactions to totalitarian rule in the Soviet Union, Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, and the communist regimes in Poland and East Germany after 1945.
The contributions, written for this volume by internationally acknowledged experts in their fields, move beyond the rather static vision provided by traditional themes of consent and coercion to construct a more nuanced picture of everyday life in the various regimes. The book provides many new insights into the ways totalitarian regimes functioned and the reasons for their decline, encouraging comparisons between the different regimes and stimulating re-evaluation of long-established positions.

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Zapis rozmowy z Olgierdem Wołyńskim, synem polskich działaczy komunistycznych straconych w ZSRR w okresie czystek stalinowskich. Matką jego była Itta Horowicz. Pracując w sekretariacie Henryka Jagody - komisarza spraw wewnętrznych ZSRR - przyjęła nazwisko Wołyńska. Ojcem był Jan Lubieniecki, który jako działacz Kominternu wystepował pod pseudonimem Ignacy Rylski. Po aresztowaniu rodziców Olgierd trafił do radzieckiego sierocińca. Dalsze lekcje pobierał na Łubiance, w obozie w Archangielsku oraz na zesłaniu. Mając 29 lat przyjechał do Polski.

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Początkowo nikt w Rosji nie doceniał wagi i znaczenia dekretu o utworzeniu WCzK. Tymczasem te trzy litery stały się jednym z najbardziej znaczących skrótów XX wieku. W pierwszych miesiącach po rewolucji październikowej działały również inne komisje i komitety, które budziły strach...

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Prokurator generalny ZSRR Wyszyński wysłał zaszyfrowany telegram do wszystkich prokuratorów w całym kraju: ...Od tej pory zachowanie przepisów proceduralnych i uprzednia zgoda prokuratora na aresztowanie nie są potrzebne. W całym kraju planowano rozstrzelać prawie 76 tys. ludzi, a ponad 200 tys. wysłać do obozów. Rozkaz przeprowadzenia czystek wywołał niebywały entuzjazm w terenie...

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Trzeci tom opowieści Ojcowie terroru. Autor opowiada o losach wyzwolonych jeńców rosyjskich i obywateli Związku Radzieckiego deportowanych po wojnie do ojczyzny. Trafiali oni do łagrów i pozostawali tam nieraz do swojej śmierci.

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Autor "Agresji 17 września 1939" pisał o wojnie, której istnienia nie przyjmowała do wiadomości oficjalna propaganda PRL. W polskiej literaturze historycznej - zarówno krajowej, jak i emigracyjnej - książka ta, po dziesięciu latach, jakie upłynęły od jej pierwszego wydania, pozostaje jedną z dwóch zaledwie (obok "Wojny polsko-sowieckiej 1939 r." Karola Liszewskiego) poświęconych temu tematowi.

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„Powieść niniejsza jest, chronologicznie, dalszym ciągiem Drogi donikąd. To znaczy, przedłużeniem jej w czasie, ale tylko częściowo w tym samym terenie. ... Akcja powieści toczy się na tle zdarzeń historycznych, ściślej: pewnych fragmentów minionej wojny, i jest z nimi związana. Przedstawienie tych zdarzeń w powieści nie ma na celu narzucania czytelnikowi jakiejkolwiek „tezy”, bądź podejmowania „polemiki politycznej”. Jest wyłącznie próbą opisania tego co było.„

„Ostatnia książka Józefa Mackiewicza, Nie trzeba głośno mówić, jest jego największym dziełem. Co do tego nie ma już wątpliwości. Ale nie jest to tyko powieść. Jej ładunek polityczny jest tak znaczny i ważny, że trzeba ją uważać także za traktat polityczny o samoistnym znaczeniu. Objawia się to nie tylko w słowach bohaterów powieści, lecz także w wielkiej obfitości dokumentów dosłownie przytoczonych (…) Mackiewicz pisze, że wszystkie nieszczęścia, jakie spotykały Polskę w czasie drugiej wojny światowej i później, biorą początek z grzechu pierworodnego, jakim było lekceważenie niebezpieczeństwa bolszewizmu przez Piłsudskiego”.

Zastosowałem metodę wprowadzania postaci powieściowych w bezpośrednie zetknięcie nie tylko z autentycznymi wypadkami, ale też z autentycznymi ludźmi działającymi w tamtym czasie. Odbiega to, rzecz zrozumiała, od formy klasycznej powieści. Nie wydaje mi się jednak, by konwencja ograniczająca w tym względzie swobodę autorską była słuszna. Jestem zwolennikiem w twórczości literackiej swobody nieograniczonej. Dziś zwłaszcza, gdy próby obalenia krępujących twórczość kategorii prowadzą do licznych eksperymentów, nieraz daleko idących, jak np. tworzenie z powieści „antypowieści” itp. — surowe przestrzeganie podziału na tzw. „fiction” i „non-fiction” wydaje mi się anachronizmem. Nie chcę przez to powiedzieć, że jestem przeciwnikiem utartych konwencji. Chcę tylko uprzedzić czytelnika, że moja powieść tych konwencji nie przestrzega.

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navak32565

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