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widziany: 17.08.2021 10:16

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6608 plików
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Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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This book launches an ambitious reexamination of the elite politics behind one of the most remarkable transformations in the late twentieth century. As the first part of a new interpretation of the evolution of Chinese politics during the years 1972-82, it provides a detailed study of the end of the Maoist era, demonstrating Mao's continuing dominance even as his ability to control events ebbed away. The tensions within the "gang of four," the different treatment of Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping, and the largely unexamined role of younger radicals are analyzed to reveal a view of the dynamic of elite politics that is at odds with accepted scholarship. The authors draw upon newly available documentary sources and extensive interviews with Chinese participants and historians to develop their challenging interpretation of one of the most poorly understood periods in the history of the People's Republic of China.

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This book counters a range of assumptions commonly held about Marx's views of nationalism and internationalism, not least by twentieth-century marxists themselves. It shows that Marx did not envisage the abolition of national communities or nation states; that the politics of nationalism in Marx is not incompatible with a politics of class; that Marx was repeatedly critical of a "utopian" internationalism, and that the themes of nationalism and international solidarity, far from being necessarily in opposition, can be seen in many cases as mutually reinforcing. Nationalism then emerges in Marxist theory as a form of political self-identification and mobilization that can contribute to the broader project of social and political freedom.

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In the final days of World War II, Stalin ordered the deportation of the entire Crimean Tatar population, nearly 200,000 people. Beyond Memory offers the first ethnographic exploration of this event, as well as the 50 year movement for repatriation. Many of the Crimean Tatars have returned in a process that involves squatting on vacant land and self-immolation. Uehling asks how they became willing to die for their national collectivity. She provides a fine-grained analysis of how "memories," sentiments, and dreams of a homeland never seen came to be shared. Uehling suggests the second-generation has a surprisingly instrumental role to play. The way children correct and intervene in parental narratives, dissidents challenge interrogators, and speakers borrow and trade lines index this social aspect of memory.

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Focusing primarily on the Great Powers struggle surrounding the 1920 Bessarabian Treaty, this is a first-class research study presented within a broad historical context. Mitrasca is well acquainted with all the previous literature on the subject and reviews it objectively, pointing out the differences of opinion. He fully explains the US position (strongly favoring Russia) and gives Romanian diplomacy poor grades, noting that sometimes it tended to be incomprehensibly slow when quick action seemed necessary. So too, the domestic politics of the Romanian government were often unhelpful. Entirely new and original and based on research o f the Tokyo Foreign Ministry archives is the extended presentation of the Japanese rationale for vacillating and ultimately failing to ratify the treaty, hereby killing it. The author reveals for the first time how Japanese interests in fishing rights along the Russian Far East coast finally tipped the scales against ratification, despite pressure from Europe. This is by far the best one-volume presentation for the diplomatic side of the Bessarabian Question as it emerged at the end of WW I; at the same time it is a bibliographical mine for further study. A helpful historical and diplomatic chronology, several pages long, is included. Recommended for general readers and upper-division undergraduates through professionals. --L. K. D. Kristof, emeritus, Portland State University

According to Mitrasca, Romania s foreign policy in the 1920s foreshadows the politics of globalization in the late 20th and 21st centuries. Mitrasca, a scholar of diplomatic history affiliated with both Aoyama Gakuin University of Tokyo and Babes-Bolyai University in Romania, examines the Bessarabian Treaty, an agreement concluded at the end of World War I in accord with Woodrow Wilson s 14 points that would officially give Romania control of Moldova (Bessarabia). Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan all signed this treaty with Romania. However, Japan refused to ratify it, and the United States also refused to acknowledge it, allowing the Soviet Union to take control of this geographically strategic land. Mitrasca conducted extensive research of unpublished documents from the national archives of Japan, Romania, Great Britain, France, and Italy to explore why the treaty was never enforced, what was at stake for each of the Great Power nations, and how a small country like Romania dealt with those more powerful countries that decided its fate. The result of his first full-length book in English is a thorough work about an often neglected subject targeted toward historians. Recommended for academic libraries.

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Marx was a highly original and polymathic thinker, unhampered by disciplinary boundaries, whose intellectual influence has been enormous. Yet in the wake of the collapse of Marxism – Leninism in Eastern Europe, the question arises as to how important his work really is to us now.

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One of the hallmarks of the Soviet system was its heavy reliance on internal and foreign security and intelligence organizations. Parrish's unique work provides biographies on some 4,000 officials in senior and mid-level positions who had served in Cheka, NKVD/RFSFR, GPU, KGB, Militia, Border Troop, and other organizations. Also included are officials of the Committee for State Control and promininent politicians with earlier ties to security organizations. In addition, Parrish surveys the English-language literature published from 1917 to 1990 which dealt with Soviet security and intelligence. The volume concludes with a biographical addendum, a glossary of terms, and material showing the development of the various security organizations.
Despite the collapse of the USSR, the Soviet security apparatus and its leaders remain a mystery. Several bibliographies concerning intelligence and espionage appeared in the early 1980s; none focuses specifically on the USSR. Biographies of police and intelligence officials are frequently available only through often unreliable Soviet sources. In this biobibliography, Sovietologist Michael Parrish attempts to remedy these deficiencies. The result is both impressive and frustrating. The organization is straightforward. A biographical section, the largest in the book, provides brief entries on 4,000 senior and mid-level officials holding positions in one or more of the security services from 1917 to 1990. The length and completeness for each varies with the importance of the subject and the amount of information available. A smaller section contains an annotated list of English-language books about Soviet police and intelligence agencies. Parrish (Indiana University) provides critical annotation for those works he regards as significant. However, Parrish gives those interested in the history of Soviet police and intelligence operations a starting point for research--particularly for biographies.

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In this fresh appraisal of communism and anti-communism, with an emphasis on the American case, respected scholar Michael E. Brown examines the methods, controversies and difficulties involved in writing the history of communism. Arguing that one important way of understanding communism - other than as a concrete political or ideological force - is as an expression of an essentially reflexive aspect of society that typically manifests itself in social movements. In this regard, Brown understands the history of communism as part of the history of society. Examining works by E. P. Thompson, Karl Marx, and Pierre Clastres, Brown develops the idea of history as an immanent feature of human activities. Taken together, the essays in this book - written over a period of 20 years - offer a distinctive approach to the connections between social theory, criticism, and historiography and to what is 'social' about 'social movements'.

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This book amply documents the unparalleled position and significance of Communism in the hierarchy of violence that is the history of the twentieth century.

Already famous throughout Europe, this international bestseller plumbs recently opened archives in the former Soviet bloc to reveal the actual, practical accomplishments of Communism around the world: terror, torture, famine, mass deportations, and massacres. Astonishing in the sheer detail it amasses, the book is the first comprehensive attempt to catalogue and analyze the crimes of Communism over seventy years. "Revolutions, like trees, must be judged by their fruit," Ignazio Silone wrote, and this is the standard the authors apply to the Communist experience-in the China of "the Great Helmsman," Kim Il Sung's Korea, Vietnam under "Uncle Ho" and Cuba under Castro, Ethiopia under Mengistu, Angola under Neto, and Afghanistan under Najibullah. The authors, all distinguished scholars based in Europe, document Communist crimes against humanity, but also crimes against national and universal culture, from Stalin's destruction of hundreds of churches in Moscow to Ceausescu's leveling of the historic heart of Bucharest to the widescale devastation visited on Chinese culture by Mao's Red Guards. As the death toll mounts-as many as 25 million in the former Soviet Union, 65 million in China, 1.7 million in Cambodia, and on and on-the authors systematically show how and why, wherever the millenarian ideology of Communism was established, it quickly led to crime, terror, and repression.

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From the internationally acclaimed Oxford authority on Communism comes a definitive history that examines the origins of the ideology, its development in different nations, its collapse in many of those countries following perestroika, and its current incarnations around the globe. The Rise and Fall of Communism explores how and why Communists came to power; how they were able, in a variety of countries on different continents, to hold on to power for so long; and what brought about the downfall of so many Communist systems.
For this comprehensive and illuminating work, Brown draws on more than forty years of research and on a wealth of new sources. Tracing the story of Communism from its nineteenth-century roots, Brown explains both its expansion and its decline in the twentieth century. Even today, although Communism has been widely discredited in the West, more than a fifth of humanity still lives under its rule.

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The nature of modernity, and its connection with capitalism, are questions at the heart of contemporary sociological debate. In Capitalism and Modernity, Derek Sayer critically re-examines the answers given by two of the greatest social theorists of capitalism, Karl Marx and Max Weber. He pres a fresh reading of both men's work, and breaks new ground in showing the remarkable relevance of their thought to the modern condition. From behind the well-worn stereotypes of "the Marx-Weber debate" emerges a disturbing critique of modern sociality, subjectivity, and power which has lost none of its intellectual force or moral relevance.
Clearly and compellingly written, Capitalism and Modernity is a major work of original scholarship. As an authoritative yet accessible commentary on a debate central to modern sociology and politics, this work is likely to become a seminal text in social theory.

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Inside Soviet Film Satire: Laughter with a Lash is a lively collection of sixteen original essays by Soviet, American, and Canadian scholars and film commentators. It is the first in-depth examination of an important genre within the Soviet film tradition. From its origins, humor and satire have been closely linked in Soviet cinema. Nowhere in this tradition is there the pure comic genre typified in the West in films by Charlie Chaplin or Buster Keaton; by contrast, Soviet comedy can best be described as "laughter with a lash." Films made during the early years of the communist regime depicted characters and situations at a moment when the promise of socialism had yet to be realized. By the final years of totalitarian rule, filmmakers had found ways to create satirical films that powerfully indicted communism itself.

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L'odyssée blanche 1917-1920; Kornilov; Les cosaques; Denikine et Koltchak; Tchèques et Français; Massacres en Sibérie; Wrangel.

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In The Lost Opportunity, Lazarski explores these facets of the anti-Bolshevik struggle, which have been almost entirely ignored by historical scholarship. Christopher Lazarski is Professor of History and Politics at Lazarski School of Commerce and Law in Warsaw, Poland.

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A Cardboard Castle? is the first book to document, analyze, and interpret the history of the Warsaw Pact based on the archives of the alliance itself. As suggested by the title, the Soviet bloc military machine that held the West in awe for most of the Cold War does not appear from the inside as formidable as outsiders often believed, nor were its strengths and weaknesses the same at different times in its surprisingly long history, extending for almost half a century. The introductory study by Mastny assesses the controversial origins of the "superfluous" alliance, its subsequent search for a purpose, its crisis and consolidation despite congenital weaknesses, as well as its unexpected demise. Most of the 193 documents included in the book were top secret and have only recently been obtained from Eastern European archives by the PHP project. The majority of the documents were translated specifically for this volume and have never appeared in English before. The introductory remarks to individual documents by co-editor Byrne explain the particular significance of each item. A chronology of the main events in the history of the Warsaw Pact, a list of its leading officials, a selective multilingual bibliography, and an analytical index add to the importance of a publication that sets the new standard as a reference work on the subject and facilitate its use by both students and general readers.

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Profiled in this book are the people, places, political system, economy, ideology, and the history of North Korea.

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Fernandez-Morera provides a comprehensive critique of Marxist/"materialist" discourse as it pervades contemporary American scholarship. He examines the rhetorical and ideological underpinnings of the discourse, the socioeconomic circumstances and personality type of its academic practitioners, and its impact on other forms of academic speech. He also exposes the epistemological and ethical consequences of the discourse in light of the history of the 20th century and explains its remarkable success in the academic world. Being multidisciplinary, the book should challenge many and appeal to those interested in criticism, politics, epistemology, ethics, history, sociology, and even economics. Certainly all those interested in the condition of higher education will find it provocative.

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