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widziany: 17.08.2021 10:16

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Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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Moissaye Joseph Olgin (1878 – 1939) was a Russian-born writer, journalist, and translator in the early 20th century. He began his career writing for the Jewish press in support of the Russian Revolution in 1910. During the First World War, he moved to the United States in 1915, settling in New York City, where he continued his career in Jewish journalism. Much of his work was in support of communism, and he was a founding member of the Workers Party. In 1922, he founded The Morning Freiheit, and served as its editor until his death in 1939.

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Mark Aldanov, pseudonym of Mark Aleksandrovich Landau (b. Oct. 26 [Nov. 7, New Style], 1889, Kiev, Ukraine, Russian Empire—d. Feb. 25, 1957, Nice, France), Russian émigré writer best known for work bitterly critical of the Soviet system.

In 1919 Aldanov emigrated to France, which he left for the United States in 1941, although six years later he returned to France. He wrote an essay on Lenin (1921); Deux révolutions (1921; “Two Revolutions”), a work comparing the Russian and French revolutions; Actinochimie (1936; “Actinic Chemistry”), a scientific treatise; and many novels. Most of Aldanov’s works were translated into English, including a tetralogy on revolutionary France, Myslitel (1923–25; The Thinker); an anti-Soviet satire, Nachalo kontsa (1939; The Fifth Seal); and Istoki (1947; Before the Deluge), a picture of Europe in the 1870s.

Aldanov enjoyed a reputation of great moral authority among Russian émigrés. He was one of the founders in New York City of the émigré journal Novy Zhurnal (“The New Magazine”). Aldanov’s works and materials from his archives were published during the glasnost years in the six-volume Sobraniye sochineny (1991–93; “Collected Works”). By the late 1990s, however, Aldanov’s popularity had diminished as the political significance of his work faded.

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Addresses delivered by Edward Teller and Charles Malik at the 1960 Founders Day ceremonies, St. Louis University

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This book has been deemed a basic book on its subject. It tells a very interesting story, starting in January 1942 and ending in June 1945. I felt I knew most of what the book said--not because I lived through those years, but because so much of the discussion of those years is common knowledge carefully outlined in this book. In general Feis paints a picture I agree with--fairly pro-Roosevelt In a way. Since we won the Cold War, it all seems less momentous now than it did when this book was written in 1957. One wishes FDR had been tougher, but maybe things would have been worse if we had pushed Russia more. Al in all, it is a fascinating time and this rather massive (660 pages) book was well worth reading.

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Marxism is one of the few philosophies which turned into a social and political movement, emerging in societies around the world before its decline - so Historical Dictionary of Marxism is key to any high school to college-level collection surveying the nature and history of Marxist thinking and its various schools of thought. A chronology of events is accompanied by a list of acronyms, bibliography, and numerous cross-referenced dictionary entries on terms, peoples, parties and countries, making for a perfect reference for any school teaching Marxist history and theory.

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Filozofia Marksa to jedna z najważniejszych książek poświęconych myśli autora Kapitału. Etienne Balibar nie tylko rekonstruuje najważniejsze wątki Marksowskiej teorii, ale też proponuje jej oryginalną interpretację. Ukazuje Marksa wymykającego się zarówno stalinowskiemu materializmowi dialektycznemu, jak i socjaldemokratycznemu ekonomizmowi. Filozofa, który demaskuje ograniczenia filozoficznego dyskursu, ekonomistę, który odrzuca czystą ekonomię, polityka, który odkrywa „inną scenę” polityki. Przede wszystkim zaś teoretyka, który odzyskuje społeczne stawki teorii. Dramatyczny stan świata na początku XXI stulecia potwierdza aktualność moi Marksa. Dzieło twórcy I Międzynarodówki, wolne od kontroli partii i państw, które się na nie powoływały, odzyskuje dziś należne mu miejsce. Sytuuje się ono w samym centrum współczesnych wyzwań i konfliktów. Marks wciąż jest najważniejszym i „nieodzownym przewoź- nikiem” między filozofią a polityką.

Etienne Balibar (ur. 1942), profesor filozofii politycznej i moralnej na Uniwersytecie Paris X w Nanterre. Uczeń oraz współpracownik Louisa Althussera, jeden z najważniejszych przedstawicieli tzw. szkoły althusserowskiej w marksizmie. Współautor słynnego Czytania „Kapitału” (1966), książki, która zrewolucjonizowała recepcję myśli Marksa. W latach 1961-1981 członek Francuskiej Partii Komunistycznej. Obecnie działacz organizacji praw człowieka. Napisał m.in. Sur la dictature du proletariat (1976), Spinoza et la politique (1986), Race, nation, classe (wraz z Immanuelem Wallersteinem, 1988), L’Europe, L’Amerique, la guerre (2004).

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Louis Althusser (ur. 16 października 1918, Birmandreis, Algieria - zm. 22 października 1990, Paryż, Francja) - francuski filozof marksistowski, jeden z głuwnyh pżedstawicieli marksizmu strukturalistycznego.

Absolwent, a następnie profesor filozofii w elitarnej École Normale Supérieure w Paryżu. Pżez wiele dziesięcioleci działacz Francuskiej Partii Komunistycznej (PCF), z kturą zerwał pod koniec życia. Był pżewodnikiem ideowym młodzieży maoistowskiej i wyhowawcą licznego grona uczonyh. W ostatnim okresie życia stał się bezwzględnym krytykiem materializmu dialektycznego. W 1980 roku Althusser udusił swoją żonę, po czym na tży lata został umieszczony w klinice psyhiatrycznej. Swuj czyn częściowo wyjaśnił w autobiografii L'Avenir dure longtemps (Pżyszłość trwa długo).

Wzorem dla niego byli: Karol Marks, Antonio Gramsci, Zygmunt Freud i Jacques Lacan. Sam Althusser zainspirował i ukierunkował takih myślicieli, jak Mihel Foucault, Alain Badiou, Étienne Balibar, Judith Butler, Anthony Giddens.

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Terry Eagleton (ur. 22 lutego 1943 w Salford w hrabstwie Lancashire) - brytyjski filozof neomarksistowski i teoretyk kultury, literaturoznawca.

Uczeń i kontynuator prac krytyka literackiego Raymonda Williamsa. Drugim ważnym źródłem inspiracji dla Eagletona jest psychoanaliza - uznawany jest za jednego z najważniejszych rzeczników prac Slavoja Žižka na wyspach brytyjskich. Pomimo zajmowania się w swoich tekstach wieloma zagadnieniami właściwymi filozofii i uczestnictwa w filozoficznych debatach Eagleton nie chce określać siebie mianem filozofa.

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The Philosophy of the Novel: Lukacs, Marxism and the Dialects of Form
J. M. Bernstein(Author)

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Le marxisme a irrigué toute l'histoire et toute la culture du xxe siècle. Ce livre propose d'abord une initiation à la pensée philosophique, politique et économique de Marx. II présente ensuite les principaux penseurs marxistes, des origines à nos jours. Enfin, il confronte la réflexion de Marx à ses réalisations historiques. Pédagogique et clair, ce guide donne des repères essentiels pour comprendre la pensée contemporaine.

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Here is the whole sweep of the Soviet experiment and experience as told by its last steward. Drawing on his own experience, rich archival material, and a keen sense of history and politics, Mikhail Gorbachev speaks his mind on a range of subjects concerning Russia´s past, present, and future place in the world. Here is Gorbachev on the October Revolution, Gorbachev on the Cold War, and Gorbachev on key figures such as Lenin, Stalin, and Yeltsin. The book begins with a look back at 1917. While noting that tsarist Russia was not as backward as it is often portrayed, Gorbachev argues that the Bolshevik Revolution was inevitable and that it did much to modernize Russia. He strongly argues that the Soviet Union had a positive influence on social policy in the West, while maintaining that the development of socialism was cut short by Stalinist totalitarianism. In the next section, Gorbachev considers the fall of the USSR. What were the goals of perestroika? How did such a vast superpower disintegrate so quickly? From the awakening of ethnic tensions, to the inability of democrats to unite, to his own attempts to reform but preserve the union, Gorbachev retraces those fateful days and explains the origins of Russia´s present crisis. But Gorbachev does not just train his critical eye on the past. He lays out a blueprint for where Russia needs to go in the next century, suggesting ways to strengthen the federation and achieve meaningful economic and political reforms. In the final section of the book, Gorbachev examines the "new thinking" in foreign policy that helped to end the Cold War and shows how such approaches could help resolve a range of current crises, including NATO expansion, the role of the UN, the fate of nuclear weapons, and environmental problems. Gorbachev: On My Country and the World reveals the unique vision of a man who was a powerful actor on the world stage and remains a keen observer of Russia´s experience in the twentieth century.

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In Search of a Political Philosophy is an analysis of the three democratic `isms'--conservatism, liberalism, and socialism--and of the distinct nature of the all-consuming ideology of Marxist communism. W. J. Stankiewicz is concerned with the conscious and unconscious assumptions of the proponents and followers of each ideology, and those of their theoreticians and critics.

Stankiewicz examines the norms by which political ideologies are characterized, and discusses which of these are given precedence. He provides an analysis of how each ideology views such issues as freedom and restraint, responsibility, equality, justice, power, authority, property, human nature and happiness. He also examines the areas of ideological contiguity and mutual influences, the sources of ideological incomprehension in our society, and the forces that split Western societies.

In Search of a Political Philosophy takes issue with the positions of some of our leading political theorists and represents an original contribution to political philosophy in its own right. It makes a stimulating and challenging contribution to the areas of politics, political philosophy, ethics, political and social theory, the history of political thought, and the history of ideas.

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, during an economic crisis termed its “special period in times of peace,” Cuba began to court the capitalist world for the first time since its 1959 revolution. With the U.S. dollar instated as domestic currency, the island seemed suddenly accessible to foreign consumers, and their interest in its culture boomed.

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In 1919 the Prussian Ministry of Science, Arts and Culture opened a dossier on "Einstein's Theory of Relativity." It was rediscovered by the author in 1961 and is used in conjunction with numerous other subsequently identified 'Einstein' files as the basis of this fascinating book. In particular, the author carefully scrutinizes Einstein's FBI file from 1950-55 against mostly unpublished material from European including Soviet sources and presents hitherto unknown documentation on Einstein's alleged contacts with the German Communist Party and the Comintern. Siegfried Grundmann's thorough study of Einstein's participation on a committee of the League of Nations, based on archival research in Geneva, is also new.

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Communism was never a popular ideology in America, but the vehemence of American anticommunism varied from passive disdain in the 1920s to fervent hostility in the early years of the Cold War. Nothing so stimulated the white hot anticommunism of the late 1940s and 1950s more than a series of spy trials that revealed that American Communists had co-operated with Soviet espionage against the United States and had assisted in stealing the technical secrets of the atomic bomb as well as penetrating the U.S. State Department, the Treasury Department, and the White House itself. This book reviews the major spy cases of the early Cold War (Hiss-Chambers, Rosenberg, Bentley, Gouzenko, Coplon, Amerasia and others) and the often-frustrating clashes between the exacting rules of the American criminal justice system and the requirements of effective counter-espionage.

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FOREWORD

THE CREATION OF AN efficient institutional framework for regulating international economic relations is one of the fundamental concerns of economists. Theorists and practitioners recognize that international trade has been one of the major sources of economic wellbeing; they know that no state can renounce such a wealthgenerating activity. Yet, the increase of obstacles to the interchange of goods and services between nations since 1914 has led to what is generally termed economic disintegraion.
A great deal of literature undertakes to describe and analyze these various obstacles. However, little effort has been devoted to the investigation of the fundamental causes of economic disintegration—causes that can only be explained by theories and philosophies that engender changes in the internal economic and political orders of nations. This study is an inquiry into these fundamental determinants of international economic cooperation.
These determinants will be more easily understood if the primary characteristics of an international economic order are examined. Two such characteristics can be distinguished. The first concerns relationships among individuals residing in different areas of the world who deal with each other on the basis of private interests. Clearly, the problem of their economic intercourse on a worldwide level is essentially identical to that with which any restricted community is faced. This problem has been solved in the past by the establishment of private law which delineates certain minimum standards of behavior and is enforced by the community.
The second aspect of the problem is inherent in the existence of sovereign national states. For centuries, men have attempted to devise a system of international law that could subject states, as private law subjects individuals, to the rule of commonly accepted codes and to the judgments of an international arbitration agency in cases of disputes between national governments. All these systems have been frustrated by the fact that the creation of an international coercive force which would automatically enter into action when any state refused to comply with the provisions of international law has been regarded as an inadmissible interference with sovereignty. Even universal and compulsory recourse to a supranational court is usually rejected on the same grounds.
Intergovernmental relations therefore have a fundamentally anarchic character. Ultimately, of course, they, too, constitute human relationships, but with the difference that they are based not on a convened standard of right and wrong, but on power. It is a country's political and military strength, on the one hand, and the political and military strength of its opponents, on the other, that form both the basis and the limit of national aspirations. The last resort is war which, as Karl von Clausewitz said, is "nothing but the continuation of state policy with other
means."[...]

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