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widziany: 17.08.2021 10:16

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Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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One of the fascinating aspects of historical research is the infusion of new information into a previously well-considered subject. With the fall of the Soviet Union and the resultant access to the archives of the Soviet space program, new information has challenged our understanding of the subject.

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This book is a chronological narrative of the experiences of Evgenii Moniushko, who lived through and survived the first year of the siege of Leningrad and who served as a junior officer in the Red Army during the last 18 months of war and the first year of the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia and Hungary. As such, it provides an intensely human view of daily army life in both combat and garrison duty and unique perspectives on the conditions he and other soldiers endured while in army service.

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The Stalin era has been less accessible to researchers than either the preceding decade or the postwar era. The basic problem is that during the Stalin years censorship restricted the collection and dissemination of information (and introduced bias and distortion into the statistics that were published), while in the post-Stalin years access to archives and libraries remained tightly controlled. Thus it is not surprising that one of the main manifestations of glasnost has been the effort to open up records of the 1930s. In this volume Western and Soviet specialists detail the untapped potential of sources on this period of Soviet social history and also the hidden traps that abound. The full range of sources is covered, from memoirs to official documents, from city directories to computerized data bases.

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The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) has traversed a long and glorious road, leading from the first tiny Marxist circles and groups that appeared in Russia in the eighties of the past century to the great Party of the Bolsheviks, which now directs the first Socialist State of Workers and Peasants in the world.

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This ground-breaking book examines the Soviet ruling elite over the entire period of Communist rule. It serves as a collective biography of nearly two thousand people who served on the Communist Party's Central Committee from 1917 to 1991. The book is based on archival research, only available after the collapse of communism, and extensive interviews with former Central Committee members.

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Land reform is a key factor in determining the political, economic and social future of the transitional states of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. This book represents the first major study in this area. Utilizing extensive field work, unpublished materials, statistical data and interviews with land reform officials, the contributors explore the key issues.

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In The First Cold War, Donald E. Davis and Eugene P. Trani review the Wilson administration's attitudes toward Russia before, during, and after the Bolshevik seizure of power. They argue that before the Russian Revolution, Woodrow Wilson had little understanding of Russia and made poor appointments that cost the United States Russian goodwill. Wilson later reversed those negative impressions by being the first to recognize Russia's Provisional Government, resulting in positive U.S.-Russian relations until Lenin gained power in 1917. Wilson at first seemed unsure whether to recognize or repudiate Lenin and the Bolsheviks. His vacillation finally ended in a firm repudiation when he opted for a diplomatic quarantine having almost all of the ingredients of the later Cold War. Davis and Trani argue that Wilson deserves mild criticism for his early indecision and inability to form a coherent policy toward what would become the Soviet Union.

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The Soviet Union was hardly the first large, continuous, land-based, multinational empire to collapse in modern times. The USSR itself was, ironically, the direct result of one such demise, that of imperial Russia, which in turn was but one of several other such empires that did not survive the stresses of the times: the Austro-Hungarian Empire of the Habsburgs and the Ottoman Empire.

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Providing a wealth of empirical research on the everyday practise of Islam in post-Soviet Central Asia, this book gives a detailed account of how Islam is understood and practised among ordinary Muslims in the region, focusing in particular on Uzbekistan. It shows how individuals negotiate understandings of Islam as an important marker for identity, grounding for morality and as a tool for everyday problem-solving in the economically harsh, socially insecure and politically tense atmosphere of present-day Uzbekistan. Presenting a detailed case-study of the city of Bukhara that focuses upon the local forms of Sufism and saint veneration, the book shows how Islam facilitates the pursuit of more modest goals of agency and belonging, as opposed to the utopian illusions of fundamentalist Muslim doctrines.

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Russian civilization has not developed the notions of private property and individual rights as they are understood in the West. Because of this, the Russian definitions of such terms as law, success, and fairness are different from the West's.

Advanced western nations have long traditions of private property and economic freedoms, which allowed them to make a relatively smooth transition into the Industrial Age. But for Russia this transition required a great leap, and to compensate for the lack of these traditions, the leap had to have a very important symbolic, ideological dimension. As Russia built its factories, it also had to accommodate its historic quest for greatness, a worldview nurtured by Orthodox Christianity, and Russians' unique concept of fairness.

Why did this leap take the form it did? One reason is that Russia for the most part has always been a lose/lose society, where individuals agree to endure suffering in exchange for the right to cause others to suffer. The concept of win/win is a relatively recent discovery – a discovery that can't be made without private property and individual rights. Once we understand the logic of Russia’s lose/lose culture and the compensatory devices that Russia has invented to make up for the absence of private property and individual rights, we can easily understand Russia’s history and the challenges it faces today.

By accepting from the outset that Russia is different, this book avoids a discussion about whether a pair of chopsticks is a tablespoon or a teaspoon. Using simple language, humor, and real-life anecdotes, it describes Russia in a way that is understandable and useful for Westerners who want to successfully function in Russia. There is no enigma or mystery to Russia whatsoever.

Russia As It Is: Transformation of a Lose/Lose Society does not contain a single "scientific" quote, or anything else that the lay reader will find difficult to understand. All you need is a basic familiarity with Russia's 20th-century history. The book leaves its reader knowing what to fear in Russia and what to love, what to regret and what to respect, how to appreciate Russia and communicate with Russians.

The cover of the book shows a statue of Lenin eating a hamburger, and it illustrates the book's main conclusion: we gave Russia the hamburger, which is a symbol of capitalist consumption, but not a symbol of freedom and creativity. The real foundation of capitalism is the opportunity to create and to benefit from your creation, and this is what most Russians still lack. Russia did bite off a piece of capitalism, but its facial expression did not change: it is still inanimate, frozen in a lose/lose mentality that prevents democracy, private property, individual rights, and free enterprise from taking root.

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It was also Marcuse's 1958 work,Soviet Marxism, that broke many taboos against speaking critically of the USSR. He pointed to potential "liberalizing trends" in the USSR which, as we know, manifested as reforms in the Gorbachev era.

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Legal Aspects of the Regional Integration Processes in the Post-Soviet Area is the first ever comprehensive overview of regional integration processes in the territory of the former USSR introducing the core concepts of regional integration theory and presenting a solid foundation of factual information regarding all the regional integration agreements (RIAs) operating in the Eurasian landmass and consisting of the former Soviet republics. The book analyzes the legal nature and background of the regional integration in the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Russian-Belarusian Union, the Single Economic Space, the Eurasian Economic Community and the Collective Security Treaty Organization. It also deals with the RIAs created outside of the Russian control in the format of GUAM and among Central Asian countries. Finally, the book contains conclusive remarks attempting to assess the possibility of the creation of an Eurasian Union.

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Over the past few years, many of the former Communist-rule countries of Central and Eastern Europe have taken a steady path toward becoming more or less normal capitalist countries - with Poland and Hungary cases in point.
Russia, on the other hand, has experienced extreme difficulties in its attempted transition to capitalism and democracy. The pursuit of Western-endorsed policies of privatization, liberalization and fiscal austerity have brought Russia growing crime and corruption, a distorted economy and a trend toward authoritarian government.
In their 1996 book for Routledge - Revolution from Above - David Kotz and Fred Weir shed light on the underlying reasons for the 1991 demise of the Soviet Union and the severe economic and political problems of the immediate post-Soviet period in Russia.
In this new book, the authors bring the story up to date, showing how continuing misguided policies have entrenched a group of super-rich oligarchs, in alliance with an all-powerful presidency, while further undermining Russia's economic potential. New topics include the origins of the oligarchs, the deep penetration of crime and corruption in Russian society, the financial crisis that almost destroyed the regime, the mixed blessing of an oil-dependent economy, the atrophy of democracy in the Yeltsin years, and the recentralization of political power in the Kremlin under President Putin.

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In the first comprehensive treatment of its kind, Bobo Lo examines the course of Russian foreign policy in the decade following the Soviet collapse. Adopting a conceptual approach, he identifies the principal ideological and institutional factors that have influenced the thinking of decision-making behind the policies. Bobo Lo challenges many of the conventional assumptions that have dominated much of the preceding literature on Russian foreign policy.

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Donald Filtzer's new book is the study of industry and labor during Late Stalinism, covering the entire post-war period from 1945 to Stalin's death. He has uncovered a wealth of previously inaccessible archive material and analyzes it to show that the post-war period was one of "political victory and historical defeat". This subtle and compelling study will be of interest to all scholars of Russian history.

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This book, based on extensive original research in the field, analyzes the political, social and cultural implications of the rise of Islam in post-Soviet Russia. Examining in particular the situation in Tartarstan and Dagestan, where there are large Muslim populations, the authors chart the long history of Muslim and orthodox Christian co-existence in Russia, discuss recent moves towards greater autonomy and the assertion of ethnic-religious identities which underlie such moves, and consider the actual practice of Islam at the local level, showing the differences between "official" and "unofficial" Islam, how ceremonies and rituals are actually observed (or not), how Islam is transmitted from one generation to the next, the role of Islamic thought, including that of radical sects, and Islamic views of men and women's different roles.

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