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widziany: 16.03.2014 13:02

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  • 340 KB
  • 6 sty 13 0:09
Today, Zionism is understood as a national movement whose primary historical goal was the establishment of a Jewish state. However, Zionism's association with national sovereignty was not foreordained. Zionism and the Roads Not Taken uncovers the thought of three key interwar Jewish intellectuals who defined Zionism's central mission as challenging the model of a sovereign nation-state: historian Simon Rawidowicz, religious thinker Mordecai Kaplan, and political theorist Hans Kohn. Although their models differed, each of these three thinkers conceived of a more practical and ethical paradigm of national cohesion that was not tied to a sovereign state. Recovering these roads not taken helps us to reimagine Jewish identity and collectivity, past, present, and future.

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This collected volume brings together young scholars at the cutting edge of innovative research on Israeli citizens and organizations mobilized around the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The objective of these original case studies is to understand the radicalization of some Israeli mobilizations linked to the conflict and to explore the growing polarization of Israeli democracy. The composite nature of Israeli society is explored through the fragmentation of civil movements: The settler movement, the peace movement, and also Israeli Arab organizations have all emerged since the mid-1970s, illustrating a rich mixture of civil dynamism, community tensions and antagonistic political visions. These pioneering, critical perspectives provide a wealth of theoretical and empirical information on the current state-society relations in Israel, the boundaries and borders in civil mobilization and on the prospects for Israeli democracy in the 21st century.

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A slight story about four young friends who have received their call-up notices for the Israel Defense Force frames a detailed nonfiction discussion of the army's history and functions. The text clearly explains the IDF's structure, mentions some past missions, and describes the military experience. The writing is somewhat dry and lacking in historical context, and the fictional sections seem a bit contrived. Hebrew military terms are not consistently translated. However, the book is unique in its unwaveringly positive portrayal of the Israeli military. Large, clear photographs show IDF members in action and at rest, with many noncombat images included. This title is a welcome addition to library shelves to balance out the many negative portrayals of Israel that are published for youth. Those readers who are fascinated by military subjects will appreciate the book's thoroughness and the list of Web sites at the back.

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The second edition of the Historical Dictionary of Israel addresses the need in the literature on Israel for a comprehensive impartial information source about the various diplomatic and political personalities, institutions, organizations, events, concepts, and documents that together define the political life of the Jewish state. This is done through a chronology, an introductory essay, a bibliography, and hundreds of cross-referenced dictionary entries on significant persons, places, events, government institutions, political parties, and battles, as well as entries on Israel's economy, society, and culture.

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This book offers a reappraisal of David Ben-Gurion's role in Jewish-Israeli history from the perspective of the twenty-first century, in the larger context of the Zionist "renaissance," of which he was a major and unique exponent. Some have described Ben-Gurion's Zionism as a dream that has gone sour, or a utopia doomed to be unfulfilled. Now - after the dust surrounding Israel's founding father has settled, archives have been opened, and perspective has been gained since Ben-Gurion's downfall - this book presents a fresh look at this statesman-intellectual and his success and tragic failures during a unique period of time that he and his peers described as the "Jewish renaissance." The resulting reappraisal offers a new analysis of Ben-Gurion's actual role as a major player in Israeli, Middle Eastern, and global politics.

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In this second edition, Eisenberg (history, Carnegie Mellon Univ.) and Caplan (history, Concordia Univ., Canada) begin (as in the first edition) with an account of early-19th-century Arab-Jewish negotiations. They end with President Obama's belief that his vision of Middle Eastern peace is compatible with Muslim concerns and interests. The history of these peace efforts, they claim, reveals seven reoccurring areas of diplomatic difficulty, such as previous experience in negotiating, psychological factors affecting leaders and followers, and the role of third-party involvement. Several peace efforts, beginning with the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt in 1978 through the 1993 Oslo Accords, are examined in detail by considering these seven areas of difficulty. The authors assert that past peace negotiations failed to take into account one or more of the seven characteristics. Original chapters were updated and reflect new information and scholarship since the first edition 12 years ago. The new edition includes a 38-page bibliography and 125 related documents available online and coordinated with the text. A series of illustrative political cartoons is integrated throughout the text. Summing Up: Recommended. General readers, undergraduate students, graduate students, and research faculty. - ChoiceD. Peretz, emeritus, SUNY at Binghamton, February 2011

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This report and its findings are based on field work by a team of international experts deployed by UNEP following its Governing Council's Decision 25/12 in February 2009, requesting UNEP to assess the environmental damage and carry out an economic evaluation of the rehabilitation and restoration of the environment in the Gaza Strip following the escalation of hostilities in December 2008 and late January 2009.

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The construction of the barrier separating Israel from the West Bank has become the site of one of the most heated controversies the world over, the source of virulent propaganda, incitement and hatred. Jacoby explores the incongruent narratives of Israelis and Palestinians with regards to Israel's security barrier. This book offers and multidimensional approach that takes into consideration both sides of the barrier conflict (and internal divisions) and considers how it affects the lives of individuals and communities through the rapid profusion of events in the legal, political, social and military spheres.

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Although much of the material collected here precedes Israel's recent military attack on a Gaza-bound international flotilla of embargo-breaking humanitarian aid, this succinct and eye-opening collection of recent interviews and essays from the renowned linguist and activist Chomsky (Hopes and Prospects) and prominent Israeli historian Pappé (The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine) gives essential context to the crisis. The reader will find Chomsky's consistent positions on everything from the origins of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to the issue of a one- versus two-state settlement. Pappé adds vital and unexpected historical background, including a chapter on the deep American evangelical roots in the support of Zionism and the birth of modern Arab nationalism in Palestine. Pappé and Chomsky are not perfectly in synch on every point: Chomsky remains skeptical of an academic boycott of Israel, for instance, called for in the past by Pappé and others. But the fundamentals of the crisis--and its scale in humanitarian, moral and political terms--are clear, as well as clearly expressed, between them. This sober and unflinching analysis should be read and reckoned with by anyone concerned with practicable change in the long-suffering region.

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Zionism and the State of Israel examines the use of the Bible as a legitimization for the implementation of the ideological and political program of Zionism and its consequences. It includes discussion of the Bible, and biblical hermeneutics, post-biblical Jewish and Christian cultures, the history and development of Zionism, the international law of war and of occupation and human rights.

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There are a number of individual years in modern Middle East history that stand out in importance. The ledger just since the end of WWII would invariably include the following: 1948, 1956, 1967, 1973, 1982, 1991, and 1993. In each of these years war, realignment, and/or peace processes occurred, i.e., some event or series of events that engendered a dramatic and lasting period of change by causing shifts in the balance of power and/or ideological and perceptual transformations in the region. At no time, however, was dramatic and all-encompassing change more apparent in the Middle East in the post-WWII era than in 1979—so much so that, in my opinion, future Middle East scholars will conclude that the year 1979 constituted a, if not the major watershed in modern Middle East history.The happenings of 1979, particularly the signatory events—the Iranian revolution, the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan—fundamentally altered the entire Middle East and had far-reaching consequences beyond the region itself.

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Twentieth-century Jerusalem is doubly divided. It is a holy site for both Judaism and Islam. Additionally, secular Israelis and Palestinians alike ground their respective national identities within the city, sharing it with each other and with those of their own faith who yield to a higher divine law rather than a secular democratic one. To Rule Jerusalem is a historical and ethnographic account of how Jerusalem has become the battleground for conflicts both within and between the Israeli and Palestinian communities. Based on hundreds of interviews with powerful players and ordinary citizens over the course of a decade, this book evokes the ways in which struggles are experienced and managed in the life of the city. To Rule Jerusalem is a forceful study of the intertwining of religion and politics, exploring the city as simultaneously an ordinary place and an extraordinary symbol.

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Do wybuchu III wojny arabsko-izraełskiej w czerwcu 1967 roku przyczyniło się wiele czynników geopolitycznych. Gdyby rozpatrywać każdy z nich z osobna, żaden nie by! wystarczająco poważny, by usprawiedliwić konflikt zbrojny między sygnatariuszami Karty Narodów Zjednoczonych z 1945 roku. Państwo Izrael powstało 14 maja 1948 roku po wygaśnięciu utworzonego po I wojnie światowej mandatu brytyjskiego w Palestynie. Niedługo potem armie 5 krajów arabskich — Egiptu, Iraku, Jordanii, Libanu i Syrii — dokonały inwazji na terytorium nowo powstałego państwa. Dla Izraelczyków 1 wojna arabsko-izraelska z lat 1948-49 stała się wojną o niepodległość. W desperackiej walce o przetrwanie w ciągu 15 miesięcy konfliktu stracili ponad 6 tysięcy ludzi, co równało się wówczas prawie 1 procentowi ludności. Zgodnie z rezolucją ONZ nr 181 pozostała część mandatu palestyńskiego została podzielona między Żydów i Arabów, przy czym Izraelczycy otrzymali 13 procent pierwotnego terytorium mandatu brytyjskiego, z czego 60 procent powierzchni stanowiła pustynia Negew. Po zakończeniu konfliktu Egipt zajął Strefę Gazy, a Transjordania zaanektowała znaczne terytorium na zachód od rzeki Jordan, znane do dziś jako tak zwany Zachodni Brzeg w obrębie haszymidzkiego królestwa Jordanii. Jerozolima — główny ośrodek trzech światowych religii — stała się miastem podzielonym. Tymczasem Izrael przejął port Ej lat w zatoce Akaba, by zdobyć dostęp do Morza Czerwonego, rozdzielając tym samym dwa arabskie kraje — Egipt i Jordanię. Te terytoria miały się stać w przyszłości zarzewiem poważnych konfliktów. Żaden kraj arabski nie uznał państwa Izrael ani nawet jego prawa do istnienia.

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For nineteenth century scholars the Holy Land was not just a region of the globe -- it was an idea, an intellectual and moral space charged with the heat of debate between those trying to understand the religious, social and scientific upheavals of the time. Edwin Aiken explores the various ways in which geographical knowledge was used in these debates. In particular he shows how religious writers called upon geographical knowledge to the benefit of their readers. The result is an original and stimulating work of scholarship that demonstrates the significance of the geography of the Holy Land in Western thought and argument, and makes important contributions to the history of geography, the nature of Orientalism, and to the evolving relationship between religion and science.

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By revisiting the past hundred years of shared Palestinian and Jewish-Israeli history, Baruch Kimmerling reveals surprising relations of influence between a stateless indigenous society and the settler-immigrants who would later form the state of Israel. Shattering our assumptions about these two seemingly irreconcilable cultures, Kimmerling composes a sophisticated portrait of one side's behavior and characteristics and the way in which they irrevocably shaped those of the other.Kimmerling focuses on the clashes, tensions, and complementarities that link Jewish, Palestinian, and Israeli identities. He explores the phenomena of reciprocal relationships between Jewish and Arab communities in mandatory Palestine, relations between state and society in Israel, patterns of militarism, the problems of jurisdiction in an immigrant-settler society, and the ongoing struggle of Israel to achieve legitimacy as both a Jewish and a democratic state. By merging Israeli and Jewish studies with a vast body of scholarship on Palestinians and the Middle East, Kimmerling introduces a unique conceptual framework for analyzing the cultural, political, and material overlap of both societies. A must read for those concerned with Israel and the relations between Jews and Arabs, Clash of Identities is a provocative exploration of the ever-evolving, always-contending identities available to Israelis and Palestinians and the fascinating contexts in which they take form.

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In Imperial Israel and the Palestinians , Nur Masalha provides a history of Israel’s expansionist policies, focusing on the period from the June War of 1967 to the present day. He demonstrates that imperialist tendencies in Israel run the political gamut, from Left to Right.Masalha argues that the heart of the conflict between Zionist immigrants/settlers and the native Palestinians has always been about land, territory, demography and water. He documents how Israeli policy has made it a priority to expel the Palestinians, either by war or peaceful measures. But these imperialist tendencies are not restricted to extremist zealots. The author uncovers the expansionist policies found in Labour Zionism and Kookist ideology. Chapters cover the Whole Land of Israel Movement, Zionist Revisionism and the Likud Party, Gush Emunim and the religious fundamentalists, parties and movements of the far right and the evolution of Israeli Jewish public attitudes since 1967.

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