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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Russian civilization has not developed the notions of private property and individual rights as they are understood in the West. Because of this, the Russian definitions of such terms as law, success, and fairness are different from the West's.

Advanced western nations have long traditions of private property and economic freedoms, which allowed them to make a relatively smooth transition into the Industrial Age. But for Russia this transition required a great leap, and to compensate for the lack of these traditions, the leap had to have a very important symbolic, ideological dimension. As Russia built its factories, it also had to accommodate its historic quest for greatness, a worldview nurtured by Orthodox Christianity, and Russians' unique concept of fairness.

Why did this leap take the form it did? One reason is that Russia for the most part has always been a lose/lose society, where individuals agree to endure suffering in exchange for the right to cause others to suffer. The concept of win/win is a relatively recent discovery – a discovery that can't be made without private property and individual rights. Once we understand the logic of Russia’s lose/lose culture and the compensatory devices that Russia has invented to make up for the absence of private property and individual rights, we can easily understand Russia’s history and the challenges it faces today.

By accepting from the outset that Russia is different, this book avoids a discussion about whether a pair of chopsticks is a tablespoon or a teaspoon. Using simple language, humor, and real-life anecdotes, it describes Russia in a way that is understandable and useful for Westerners who want to successfully function in Russia. There is no enigma or mystery to Russia whatsoever.

Russia As It Is: Transformation of a Lose/Lose Society does not contain a single "scientific" quote, or anything else that the lay reader will find difficult to understand. All you need is a basic familiarity with Russia's 20th-century history. The book leaves its reader knowing what to fear in Russia and what to love, what to regret and what to respect, how to appreciate Russia and communicate with Russians.

The cover of the book shows a statue of Lenin eating a hamburger, and it illustrates the book's main conclusion: we gave Russia the hamburger, which is a symbol of capitalist consumption, but not a symbol of freedom and creativity. The real foundation of capitalism is the opportunity to create and to benefit from your creation, and this is what most Russians still lack. Russia did bite off a piece of capitalism, but its facial expression did not change: it is still inanimate, frozen in a lose/lose mentality that prevents democracy, private property, individual rights, and free enterprise from taking root.

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It was also Marcuse's 1958 work,Soviet Marxism, that broke many taboos against speaking critically of the USSR. He pointed to potential "liberalizing trends" in the USSR which, as we know, manifested as reforms in the Gorbachev era.

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Legal Aspects of the Regional Integration Processes in the Post-Soviet Area is the first ever comprehensive overview of regional integration processes in the territory of the former USSR introducing the core concepts of regional integration theory and presenting a solid foundation of factual information regarding all the regional integration agreements (RIAs) operating in the Eurasian landmass and consisting of the former Soviet republics. The book analyzes the legal nature and background of the regional integration in the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Russian-Belarusian Union, the Single Economic Space, the Eurasian Economic Community and the Collective Security Treaty Organization. It also deals with the RIAs created outside of the Russian control in the format of GUAM and among Central Asian countries. Finally, the book contains conclusive remarks attempting to assess the possibility of the creation of an Eurasian Union.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Over the past few years, many of the former Communist-rule countries of Central and Eastern Europe have taken a steady path toward becoming more or less normal capitalist countries - with Poland and Hungary cases in point.
Russia, on the other hand, has experienced extreme difficulties in its attempted transition to capitalism and democracy. The pursuit of Western-endorsed policies of privatization, liberalization and fiscal austerity have brought Russia growing crime and corruption, a distorted economy and a trend toward authoritarian government.
In their 1996 book for Routledge - Revolution from Above - David Kotz and Fred Weir shed light on the underlying reasons for the 1991 demise of the Soviet Union and the severe economic and political problems of the immediate post-Soviet period in Russia.
In this new book, the authors bring the story up to date, showing how continuing misguided policies have entrenched a group of super-rich oligarchs, in alliance with an all-powerful presidency, while further undermining Russia's economic potential. New topics include the origins of the oligarchs, the deep penetration of crime and corruption in Russian society, the financial crisis that almost destroyed the regime, the mixed blessing of an oil-dependent economy, the atrophy of democracy in the Yeltsin years, and the recentralization of political power in the Kremlin under President Putin.

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In the first comprehensive treatment of its kind, Bobo Lo examines the course of Russian foreign policy in the decade following the Soviet collapse. Adopting a conceptual approach, he identifies the principal ideological and institutional factors that have influenced the thinking of decision-making behind the policies. Bobo Lo challenges many of the conventional assumptions that have dominated much of the preceding literature on Russian foreign policy.

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Donald Filtzer's new book is the study of industry and labor during Late Stalinism, covering the entire post-war period from 1945 to Stalin's death. He has uncovered a wealth of previously inaccessible archive material and analyzes it to show that the post-war period was one of "political victory and historical defeat". This subtle and compelling study will be of interest to all scholars of Russian history.

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This book, based on extensive original research in the field, analyzes the political, social and cultural implications of the rise of Islam in post-Soviet Russia. Examining in particular the situation in Tartarstan and Dagestan, where there are large Muslim populations, the authors chart the long history of Muslim and orthodox Christian co-existence in Russia, discuss recent moves towards greater autonomy and the assertion of ethnic-religious identities which underlie such moves, and consider the actual practice of Islam at the local level, showing the differences between "official" and "unofficial" Islam, how ceremonies and rituals are actually observed (or not), how Islam is transmitted from one generation to the next, the role of Islamic thought, including that of radical sects, and Islamic views of men and women's different roles.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Leon Moussinac, surveying the Soviet cinema scene in 1928, proclaimed Pudovkin, Eisenstein, and Vertov as its leading triumvirate. Yet there has been too little published on Pudovkin’s significant work in Soviet cinema. Amy Sargeant’s welcome book on Pudovkin assesses his career and his films, including the well-known features The Mother and The End of St. Petersburg, exploring their style and the circumstances surrounding their production. She also looks at the production and reception of his writings on film technique and performance, both inside the Soviet Union and in the West.

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In the Aftermath of War "The plan was designed to completely destroy the German economy, enslave millions of her citizens, and exterminate as many as 20 million people": John Dietrich, who served six years in the Defense Intelligence Agency, takes a hard, revisionist look at American policy toward Germany after WWII in The Morgenthau Plan: Soviet Influence on American Postwar Policy. Charting its origins, development and brief implementation, the author argues that the secretary of the treasury's plan for the demilitarization of Germany "thoroughly reflected" Roosevelt's opinions on postwar strategy (and that the president may have bribed Churchill to sign off on it); that the Soviet Union was the plan's sole beneficiary; and that the plan had far greater effects than anyone involved cared to admit.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
This is the first history of the Jewish agricultural colonies that were established in Crimea and Southern Ukraine in 1924 and that, fewer than 20 years later, ended in tragedy. Jonathan Dekel-Chen opens an extraordinary window on Soviet rural life during these turbulent years, and he documents the remarkable relations that developed among the American-Jewish sponsors of the ambitious project, the Soviet authorities, and the colonists themselves. Drawing on extensive and largely untouched archives and a wealth of previously unpublished oral histories, the book revises what has been understood about these agricultural settlements. Dekel-Chen offers new conclusions about integration and separation among Soviet Jews, the contours of international relations, and the balance of political forces within the Jewish world during this volatile period.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Disability is an important issue for the transition countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Not only is a significant portion of their population either in poor health or disabled with implications for labor force participation and productivity but their aging demographics project an increase in the share of disabled people, raising concerns about the sustainability of social protection programs. Thus, if these heavily resource-strapped countries fail to deal in an efficient manner with disability and health issues in their population, they could face serious challenges to their efforts to achieve stronger economic growth and improved living standards. Because the economic drivers and costs of poor health status and disabilities in this region are not well documented, Economic Implications of Chronic Illness and Disability in Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union aims to close this gap by leveraging household survey data from a large number of transition countries, analyzing the poverty-disability relationship and the linkages between disability and employment, earnings, children s school enrollments, and adults time-use patterns. Altogether, disability appears to have stronger negative effects on the economic and social well-being of the population in these countries as compared with industrialized countries. The main reasons are the prevalence of a large informal sector, the relatively weak targeting performance of the existing social assistance programs, and the lack of broad-based insurance mechanisms to protect individuals against loss of income due to unexpected illnesses. Addressing these weaknesses is the challenge facing policy makers and the population at large in the region, through the definition and enactment of a deep, well-coordinated, cross-sectoral reform agenda. This book will be useful for policy makers and development officials working to improve living standards in the Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.

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Trotsky's opposition to Stalin and his policies was one of the most important of all opposing factions in the Soviet Union after the Russian Revolution of October 1917. This book is by a figure who was central to the cataclysmic events of October 1917, written from within the movement.

About the Author
Leon Trotsky was a leader of the Russian revolution in 1917 and is the author of My Life, The History of the Russian Revolution, and The Revolution Betrayed. Ahmed Shawki is the editor of the International Socialist Review.

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