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  • 85 KB
  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Kimie Hara explores the problems underlying foreign policy decision-making between Japan and Russia since 1945, including the infamous 'Northern Territories dispute'.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
In the midsummer of the fateful year of 1917, as the Russian revolutionary volcano seethed and rumbled, an American named Major Raymond Robins arrived in Petrograd on a secret mission of the utmost importance. Officially, he traveled as Assistant Chief of the American Red Cross Division. Unofficially, he was in the service of the Intelligence Division of the United States Army. His secret mission was ...

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  • 88 KB
  • 6 maj 15 11:21
What caused the emergence of nationalist movements in many post-communist states? What role did communist regimes play in fostering these movements? Why have some been more successful than others? To address these questions, Yitzhak Brudny traces the Russian nationalist movement from its origins within the Russian intellectual elite of the 1950s to its institutionalization in electoral alliances, parliamentary factions, and political movements of the early 1990s.
Brudny argues that the rise of the Russian nationalist movement was a combined result of the reinvention of Russian national identity by a group of intellectuals, and the Communist Party's active support of this reinvention in order to gain greater political legitimacy. The author meticulously reconstructs the development of the Russian nationalist thought from Khrushchev to Yeltsin, as well as the nature of the Communist Party response to Russian nationalist ideas. Through analysis of major Russian literary, political, and historical writings, the recently-published memoirs of the Russian nationalist intellectuals and Communist Party officials, and documents discovered in the Communist Party archives, Brudny sheds new light on social, intellectual, and political origins of Russian nationalism, and emphasizes the importance of ideas in explaining the fate of the Russian nationalist movement during late communist and early post-communist periods.

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  • 191 KB
  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Colour and b&w photos of Warsaw Pact tanks and armoured vehicles on exercise.

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  • 17 KB
  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Volume 15 of The Cambridge History of China is the second of two volumes dealing with the People's Republic of China since its birth in 1949. The harbingers of the Cultural Revolution were analyzed in Volume 14. Volume 15 traces a course of events still only partially understood by most Chinese. It begins by analyzing the development of Mao's thought since the Communist seizure of power, in an effort to understand why he launched the movement. The contributors grapple with the conflict of evidence between what was said favorably about the Cultural Revolution at the time and the often diametrically opposed retrospective accounts. Volume 15, together with Volume 14, provide the most comprehensive and clearest account of how revolutionary China has developed in response to the upheavals initiated by Mao and Teng Hsiao-p'ing.

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  • 119 KB
  • 6 maj 15 11:21
200 HQ + 213 MQ | HQ up to 900x1200 - MQ up to 800x600

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
One of the fascinating aspects of historical research is the infusion of new information into a previously well-considered subject. With the fall of the Soviet Union and the resultant access to the archives of the Soviet space program, new information has challenged our understanding of the subject.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
This book is a chronological narrative of the experiences of Evgenii Moniushko, who lived through and survived the first year of the siege of Leningrad and who served as a junior officer in the Red Army during the last 18 months of war and the first year of the Soviet occupation of Czechoslovakia and Hungary. As such, it provides an intensely human view of daily army life in both combat and garrison duty and unique perspectives on the conditions he and other soldiers endured while in army service.

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  • 26 KB
  • 6 maj 15 11:21
The Stalin era has been less accessible to researchers than either the preceding decade or the postwar era. The basic problem is that during the Stalin years censorship restricted the collection and dissemination of information (and introduced bias and distortion into the statistics that were published), while in the post-Stalin years access to archives and libraries remained tightly controlled. Thus it is not surprising that one of the main manifestations of glasnost has been the effort to open up records of the 1930s. In this volume Western and Soviet specialists detail the untapped potential of sources on this period of Soviet social history and also the hidden traps that abound. The full range of sources is covered, from memoirs to official documents, from city directories to computerized data bases.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) has traversed a long and glorious road, leading from the first tiny Marxist circles and groups that appeared in Russia in the eighties of the past century to the great Party of the Bolsheviks, which now directs the first Socialist State of Workers and Peasants in the world.

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  • 55 KB
  • 6 maj 15 11:21
This ground-breaking book examines the Soviet ruling elite over the entire period of Communist rule. It serves as a collective biography of nearly two thousand people who served on the Communist Party's Central Committee from 1917 to 1991. The book is based on archival research, only available after the collapse of communism, and extensive interviews with former Central Committee members.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Land reform is a key factor in determining the political, economic and social future of the transitional states of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. This book represents the first major study in this area. Utilizing extensive field work, unpublished materials, statistical data and interviews with land reform officials, the contributors explore the key issues.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
In The First Cold War, Donald E. Davis and Eugene P. Trani review the Wilson administration's attitudes toward Russia before, during, and after the Bolshevik seizure of power. They argue that before the Russian Revolution, Woodrow Wilson had little understanding of Russia and made poor appointments that cost the United States Russian goodwill. Wilson later reversed those negative impressions by being the first to recognize Russia's Provisional Government, resulting in positive U.S.-Russian relations until Lenin gained power in 1917. Wilson at first seemed unsure whether to recognize or repudiate Lenin and the Bolsheviks. His vacillation finally ended in a firm repudiation when he opted for a diplomatic quarantine having almost all of the ingredients of the later Cold War. Davis and Trani argue that Wilson deserves mild criticism for his early indecision and inability to form a coherent policy toward what would become the Soviet Union.

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  • 174 KB
  • 6 maj 15 11:21
The Soviet Union was hardly the first large, continuous, land-based, multinational empire to collapse in modern times. The USSR itself was, ironically, the direct result of one such demise, that of imperial Russia, which in turn was but one of several other such empires that did not survive the stresses of the times: the Austro-Hungarian Empire of the Habsburgs and the Ottoman Empire.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Providing a wealth of empirical research on the everyday practise of Islam in post-Soviet Central Asia, this book gives a detailed account of how Islam is understood and practised among ordinary Muslims in the region, focusing in particular on Uzbekistan. It shows how individuals negotiate understandings of Islam as an important marker for identity, grounding for morality and as a tool for everyday problem-solving in the economically harsh, socially insecure and politically tense atmosphere of present-day Uzbekistan. Presenting a detailed case-study of the city of Bukhara that focuses upon the local forms of Sufism and saint veneration, the book shows how Islam facilitates the pursuit of more modest goals of agency and belonging, as opposed to the utopian illusions of fundamentalist Muslim doctrines.

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  • 6 maj 15 11:21
Russian civilization has not developed the notions of private property and individual rights as they are understood in the West. Because of this, the Russian definitions of such terms as law, success, and fairness are different from the West's.

Advanced western nations have long traditions of private property and economic freedoms, which allowed them to make a relatively smooth transition into the Industrial Age. But for Russia this transition required a great leap, and to compensate for the lack of these traditions, the leap had to have a very important symbolic, ideological dimension. As Russia built its factories, it also had to accommodate its historic quest for greatness, a worldview nurtured by Orthodox Christianity, and Russians' unique concept of fairness.

Why did this leap take the form it did? One reason is that Russia for the most part has always been a lose/lose society, where individuals agree to endure suffering in exchange for the right to cause others to suffer. The concept of win/win is a relatively recent discovery – a discovery that can't be made without private property and individual rights. Once we understand the logic of Russia’s lose/lose culture and the compensatory devices that Russia has invented to make up for the absence of private property and individual rights, we can easily understand Russia’s history and the challenges it faces today.

By accepting from the outset that Russia is different, this book avoids a discussion about whether a pair of chopsticks is a tablespoon or a teaspoon. Using simple language, humor, and real-life anecdotes, it describes Russia in a way that is understandable and useful for Westerners who want to successfully function in Russia. There is no enigma or mystery to Russia whatsoever.

Russia As It Is: Transformation of a Lose/Lose Society does not contain a single "scientific" quote, or anything else that the lay reader will find difficult to understand. All you need is a basic familiarity with Russia's 20th-century history. The book leaves its reader knowing what to fear in Russia and what to love, what to regret and what to respect, how to appreciate Russia and communicate with Russians.

The cover of the book shows a statue of Lenin eating a hamburger, and it illustrates the book's main conclusion: we gave Russia the hamburger, which is a symbol of capitalist consumption, but not a symbol of freedom and creativity. The real foundation of capitalism is the opportunity to create and to benefit from your creation, and this is what most Russians still lack. Russia did bite off a piece of capitalism, but its facial expression did not change: it is still inanimate, frozen in a lose/lose mentality that prevents democracy, private property, individual rights, and free enterprise from taking root.

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