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Encyclopedia of modern us military weapons
An accessible encyclopedia of military weapons represents a collaboration with The Army, Navy, and Air Force Times, and covers each weapon system, its evolution, development, and combat experience.

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Part of the "Fighting Colours" series, this book looks at the details and specifications of the UH-1 Huey helicopter, which was used extensively during the Vietnam War by American forces.

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Published a decade and a half after the late Diane D. Blair's influential bookArkansas Politics and Government, this freshly revised edition builds on her work, which highlighted both the decades of failure by Arkansas's government to live up to the state's motto ofRegnat Populus ("The People Rule") and the positive trends of democracy. Since the first edition, Arkansas has seen the two-term U.S. presidency of a native son, the retirement of players who defined the state's politics in the modern era, the further realignment of the state's electorate, the passage of the nation's most extreme legislative term limits, the complete overhaul of the state's court system, and the declaration that the state's public education system was unconstitutionally inadequate and inequitable.

While maintaining the basic structure of Blair's original work with its focus on important historical patterns and the ways in which the past continues to shape the present, the second edition details the causes and consequences of recent changes in Arkansas and asks whether they are profound and permanent or merely transitory variations in symbol and style. Jay Barth argues that although Arkansas currently expresses a healthier representative democracy than throughout most of its history, its political and governmental entities are still sharply limited as effective instruments of "the people."

Diane D. Blair was a professor of political science at the University of Arkansas and the editor of Silent Hattie Speaks: The Personal Journal of Senator Hattie Caraway. Jay Barth is an associate professor and chair in the Politics department at Hendrix College

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This popular geology explores the southern Colorado Plateau Province, the country roughly encompassed by the Navajo Nation in the Four Corners region of the American Southwest. Navajo country is a land of rock, little water, sparse vegetation, and breathtaking beauty. Some of America's most remarkable geographic formations embellish this harsh desert land: the Grand Canyon, Marble Canyon, Monument Valley, Valley of the Gods, the Totem Pole, Canyon de Chelly, Shiprock, Spider Rock, Church Rock, and many others.
The Navajo Indians settled this region five hundred years ago, defining the boundaries of their homeland by the Four Sacred Mountains to the north, south, east, and west. Over the centuries, this rugged, beautiful country helped shape Navajo mythology, legend, and identity. Likewise, the American people have incorporated the spectacular geography of Navajo country into their own national mythology.
Liberally illustrated, Navajo Country sketches the long geological history and explores the many physical landscapes of this rocky, colorful region. Both the novice and professional will find this book a handy introduction to the geology of the southern Colorado Plateau Province.

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In this multi-disciplinary collection we ask the question, 'What did, and do, Quakers think about good and evil?' There are no simple or straightforwardly uniform answers to this, but in this collection, we draw together contributions that for the first time look at historical and contemporary Quakerdom's approach to the ethical and theological problem of evil and good. Within Quakerism can be found Liberal, Conservative, and Evangelical forms. This book uncovers the complex development of metaethical thought by a religious group that has evolved with an unusual degree of diversity. In doing so, it also points beyond the boundaries of the Religious Society of Friends to engage with the spectrum of thinking in the wider religious world.

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The Diary of President Barack Obama The White House May 19, 2010 I was going to write about tonight’s state dinner for Mexico and the amnesty plan, but we’ve got a national crisis here! I think somebody’s been snooping in this diary! The pages are all wrinkled! And the most personal entries are dog-eared! WHAT THE HELL’S GOING ON HERE? (WASHINGTON, D.C.) On May 20, 2010, Laura Ingraham received a package from an anonymous source that will change the history of the United States and the legacy of President Barack Obama. While retrieving her automobile from the underground garage at the Watergate complex (where she had just enjoyed her weekly pedicure), Ingraham discovered a manila envelope on the hood of her car. When she picked it up, a deep baritone voice called out from a nearby stairwell: "Just read it. You’ll know what to do." The shadowy figure then disappeared into the darkness without another word. The envelope contained copies of what appeared to be diary entries written by President Barack Obama, his family, and high-ranking administration officials. Because the "diaries" are so revealing, Ingraham felt compelled to release them to the American public and the citizens of the world. Major media outlets love to describe the president as "no drama Obama," but The Obama Diaries tells a different tale. Through these "diary entries," readers will see past the carefully constructed Obama façade to the administration’s true plans to "remake America." In The Obama Diaries, Ingraham hilariously skewers the president and his minions. She takes aim at: •the cynical "razzle-dazzle" marketing of Obama’s radical agenda •the use of the Obama "brand" and family to obscure Obama’s true aims •Michelle Obama’s gardening and anti-obesity initiative; and much more. Informative and hugely entertaining, The Obama Diaries will inspire both laughter and critical thinking about the future of the nation and the man currently at the helm. •the use of the Obama "brand" and family to obscure Obama’s true aims•Michelle Obama’s gardening and anti-obesity initiative; and much more. Informative and hugely entertaining, The Obama Diaries will inspire both laughter and critical thinking about the future of the nation and the man currently at the helm.Excerpts from Laura Ingraham’s The Obama DiariesObama on Sarah Palin:"Hell, doesn’t Palin have anything better to do than criticize me? Shouldn’t she be back home shooting some endangered wolf species from a helicopter?" (April 9, 2010)Michelle on being First Lady: "I’ll be damned if all this fabulosity is going to go to waste reading Dr. Seuss to snot-nosed kids all day." (January 23, 2009) Vice President Joe Biden on Michelle Obama: "She’s kind of like a black Hillary Clinton. I mean that in a good way." (May 5, 2009)Obama on his visit to the Vatican:"If I can ingratiate myself with a few more of these red-hats, the pope thing might not be a bad follow-up to the presidency." (July 10, 2009)

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Isserman (If I Had a Hammer) and Kazin (The Populist Persuasion) are two of the keenest practitioners of the history of American people's politics. Both came of age in the 1960s, and each has a genetic link, respectively, to the Old Left and the grand liberal tradition of the 1930s. No better-suited collaborators could join to offer a history of the American Sixties. But while the book they offer is commendably balanced, the authors have not written a definitive text. Oddly, they cover most penetratingly terrain already well trod by more staid scholars: conventional electoral politics, Vietnam, the four presidencies, the assassinations. Their most important contribution comes in demonstrating the rise not only of a New Left but a new and persistent Right. By contrast, their writing on the advent of the counterculture, movement politics, and especially urban black nationalism is familiar and too brief. The authors seem to be aiming this book at the undergraduate survey-course marketAeach reference to Jim Crow is accompanied by a parenthetical definitionAand apparently decided to economize on the very subjects still most unsettled by conventional wisdom.

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The Civil War has long been described as a war pitting "brother against brother." The divided family is an enduring metaphor for the divided nation, but it also accurately reflects the reality of America's bloodiest war. Connecting the metaphor to the real experiences of families whose households were split by conflicting opinions about the war, Amy Murrell Taylor provides a social and cultural history of the divided family in Civil War America.
In hundreds of border state households, brothers--and sisters--really did fight one another, while fathers and sons argued over secession and husbands and wives struggled with opposing national loyalties. Even enslaved men and women found themselves divided over how to respond to the war. Taylor studies letters, diaries, newspapers, and government documents to understand how families coped with the unprecedented intrusion of war into their private lives. Family divisions inflamed the national crisis while simultaneously embodying it on a small scale--something noticed by writers of popular fiction and political rhetoric, who drew explicit connections between the ordeal of divided families and that of the nation. Weaving together an analysis of this popular imagery with the experiences of real families, Taylor demonstrates how the effects of the Civil War went far beyond the battlefield to penetrate many facets of everyday life.

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Famed as a classic naval duel, a one-on-one clash between two sailing frigates offered the victor immeasurable fame and glory. During the War of 1812, the Royal Navy and United States Navy squared off in four such duels, the most famous that between the USS Constitution and HMS Guerriere. Ships and tactics between the two nations varied enormously, with the American navy favouring a revolutionary design of frigate, with twenty-four pounder guns and heavy structural timbers, while the British, used to fighting the French and Spanish navies, relied on smaller, eighteen-pounder frigates. Through first-hand accounts of these four single-ship actions and fascinating comparisons of artillery, crew ability and tactical achievements, this book offers an unparalleled insight into the ruthless reality of frigate battles in the War of 1812.

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This title presents the urban and industrial roots of American country music.Contrary to popular belief, the roots of American country music do not lie solely on southern farms or in mountain hollows. Rather, much of this music recorded before World War II emerged from the bustling cities and towns of the Piedmont South. No group contributed more to the commercialization of early country music than southern factory workers. In "Linthead Stomp", Patrick Huber explores the origins and development of this music in the Piedmont's mill villages.Huber offers vivid portraits of a colorful cast of Piedmont millhand musicians, including Fiddlin' John Carson, Charlie Poole, Dave McCarn, and the Dixon Brothers, and considers the impact that urban living, industrial work, and mass culture had on their lives and music. Drawing on a broad range of sources, including rare 78-rpm recordings and unpublished interviews, Huber reveals that the country music recorded between 1922 and 1942 was just as modern as the jazz music of the same era. "Linthead Stomp" celebrates the Piedmont millhand fiddlers, guitarists, and banjo pickers who combined the collective memories of the rural countryside with the upheavals of urban-industrial life to create a distinctive American music that spoke to the changing realities of the twentieth-century South.

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The September 11 attacks forcefully brought home the need to better protect the U.S. homeland. But how can this be accomplished most effectively? Here, a team of Brookings scholars offers a four-tier plan to guide and bolster the efforts under way by the Bush administration and Congress.
There has been some progress in making our homeland more secure. But the authors are concerned that the Bush administration may focus too narrowly on preventing attacks like those of the recent past and believe a broader and more structured approach to ensuring homeland security is needed. Given the vulnerability of our open society, the authors recommend four clear lines of direction. The first and last have received a good deal of attention from the Bush administration, though not yet enough; for the other two, a great deal remains to be done:
Perimeter defense at the border to prevent entry by potential perpetrators and the weapons and hazardous materials they may use
Prevention by detecting possible terrorists within the United States and securing dangerous materials they might obtain here
Identification and defense of key sites within the county: population centers, critical economic assets and infrastructure, and locations of key political or symbolic importance
Consequence management to give those directly involved in responding to an attack that may nevertheless occur the tools necessary to quickly identify and attack and limit its damage Included are specific recommendations on how much more to spend on homeland security, how much of the cost should be borne by the private sector, and how to structure the federal government to make the responsible agencies more efficient in addressing security concerns. Specifically, the authors believe that annual federal spending on homeland security may need to grow to about $45 billion, relative to a 2001 level of less than $20 billion and a Bush administration proposed budget for 2003 of $38 billion. They also discuss what burden state, local, and private-sector actors should bear in the overall national effort. Finally, the authors conclude that rather than creating a homeland security superagency, Tom Ridge, the director of the Office of Homeland Security, should have enhanced authority.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ARMY NATIONAL GUARD HISTORY

Includes bibliographical references and index.

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Completely updated every other year, Frommer's Grand Canyon National Park features detailed information on the sights and experiences that await you.
More than 4 million people visited the Grand Canyon in 2008. Our author lets you know where in the park you can escape the crowds, whether you have a full week or just a few hours.
Detailed information on hiking and adventures, including helicopter tours, mule rides, and rafting trips along the Colorado. Plus, our hotel reviews and campground guide breaks down the best sites to spend the night, both in the park and nearby.

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This is a rare book—scholarly yet written with verve, readable for pleasure as well as for knowledge. It reasserts what historians have long argued: that the American gentry during the period from 1776 to roughly 1800 succeeded at stunting the meaning and practice of democracy for ordinary white men. Bouton's familiar arguments about thwarted popular ideals are drawn only from Pennsylvania. That's because the Keystone State, having gone through the most democratic revolution in 1776 and written the most democratic constitution, had turned by about 1790 and, under its second constitution, fell back under the control of the elite. Yet even if distinctive, Pennsylvania was decently representative of much of the early nation. Up to a point, therefore, Bouton's argument is convincing. What's more, he relates this disappointing history partly through the stories of individuals, like the Black Boys and Jimmy Smith, who'll be unknown even to most scholars. But like so many historians, he applauds the common people acting their democratic part while implicitly condemning the gentry for acting like gentry. This inconsistency mars an otherwise fine book.

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American judges and legal scholars have long misunderstood the intended meaning of the Ninth Amendment and its relationship to the Tenth. Because of misinterpretation, the Ninth and Tenth Amendments have not been used to fulfill their original purposes. The limited and unlimited powers of the federal government have been shaped greatly by that error. In this book the authors clarify the actual meaning of the Ninth Amendment and its connection to the Tenth Amendment in order to provide a clear understanding of the full potential of the two amendments. Historical and contemporary details are included to provide an appreciation of the intended purpose of the amendments.

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Americans commonly recognize television, e-mail, and instant messaging as agents of pervasive cultural change. But many of us may not realize that what we now call snail mail was once just as revolutionary. As David M. Henkin argues in The Postal Age, a burgeoning postal network initiated major cultural shifts during the nineteenth century, laying the foundation for the interconnectedness that now defines our ever-evolving world of telecommunications.
This fascinating history traces these shifts from their beginnings in the mid-1800s, when cheaper postage, mass literacy, and migration combined to make the long-established postal service a more integral and viable part of everyday life. With such dramatic events as the Civil War and the gold rush underscoring the importance and necessity of the post, a surprisingly broad range of Americans—male and female, black and white, native-born and immigrant—joined this postal network, regularly interacting with distant locales before the existence of telephones or even the widespread use of telegraphy. Drawing on original letters and diaries from the period, as well as public discussions of the expanding postal system, Henkin tells the story of how these Americans adjusted to a new world of long-distance correspondence, crowded post offices, junk mail, valentines, and dead letters.
The Postal Age paints a vibrant picture of a society where possibilities proliferated for the kinds of personal and impersonal communications that we often associate with more recent historical periods. In doing so, it significantly increases our understanding of both antebellum America and our own chapter in the history of communications.

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Many scholars believe that the framers of the Constitution intended Congress to be the preeminent branch of government. Indeed, no other legislature in the world approaches its power. Yet most Americans have only a murky idea of how it works. In The U.S. Congress, Donald A. Ritchie, a congressional historian for more than thirty years, takes readers on a fascinating, behind-the-scenes tour of Capitol Hill-pointing out the key players, explaining their behavior, and translating parliamentary language into plain English. No mere civics lesson, this eye-opening book provides an insider's perspective on Congress, matched with a professional historian's analytical insight. After a swift survey of the creation of Congress by the constitutional convention, he begins to unscrew the nuts and pull out the bolts. What is it like to campaign for congress? To attract large donors? To enter either house with no seniority? He answers these questions and more, explaining committee assignments (and committee work), the role of staffers and lobbyists, floor proceedings, parliamentary rules, and coalition building. Ritchie explores the great effort put into constituent service--as representatives and senators respond to requests from groups and individuals--as well as media relations and news coverage. He also explores how the grand concepts we all know from civics class--checks and balances, advise and consent, congressional oversight--work in practice, in an age of strong presidents and a muscular Senate minority (no matter which party is in that position). In this sparkling addition to Oxford's Very Short Introduction series, Donald Ritchie moves beyond the cynicism and the platitudes to provide a gem of a portrait of how Congress really works.

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The essays in this Companion deal with the full range of his thought, including technical philosophical issues, religious speculation, moral philosophy and political controversies of his time. New readers and nonspecialists will find this the most convenient and accessible guide to James currently available. Advanced students and specialists will find a conspectus of recent developments in the interpretation of James.

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Modernismo, a literary movement of fundamental importance to Spanish America and Spain, occurred at the turn of the nineteenth century, roughly from the 1880s to the 1920s. It is widely regarded as the first Spanish-language literary movement that originated in the New World and that became influential in the "Mother Country," Spain. Characterized by the appropriation of French Symbolist aesthetics into Spanish-language literature, modernismo's other significant traits were its cultural cosmopolitanism, its philological concern with language, literary history, and literary technique, and its journalistic penchant for novelty and fashion. Despite the splendor of modernista poetry, modernismo is now understood as a broad movement whose impact was felt just as strongly in the prose genres: the short story, the novel, the essay, and the journalistic crónica (chronicle). Conceived as an introduction to modernismo as well as an account of the current state of the art of modernismo studies, this book examines the movement's contribution to the various Spanish American literary genres, its main authors (from Martí and Nájera to Darío and Rodó), its social and historical context, and its continuing relevance to the work of contemporary Spanish American authors such as Gabriel García Márquez, Sergio Ramírez, and Mario Vargas Llosa. Anibal Gonzalez is Professor of Modern Latin American Literature at Yale University.

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