Milton Friedman, you have nothing to worry about. Even though LaRouche launches a furious and often credible attack against Friedman's concept of the "Consumption Function," for which Mr. Friedman largely became famous, the substance of the author's argument falls flat in the context of the larger evolution of the global economic paradigm. The author provides the reader with a short read, full of "LaRouchianisms," however, the economic purist may be intrigued by the author's system of accounting which does not "double count" services in the nation's gross national product calculation . If you're a protectionist, an anti-internationalist, and anti-Federal Reservist, you'll love the book. If not, you'll probably use the book as a humorous conversation piece for all of your historically and politically enlightened party guests. Don't take this as a suggestion for a party theme, however. You might find yourself with left with caviar and bubbly for one (which is not too bad, I suppose)...

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I am no fan of Milton Friedman.

However, this doesn't mean that I would be joyfully reading a book that is not very intelligent, at best, and makes it's goal to smear Friedman's reputation, strangely, by disapproving his best ideas, and giving him a pass on his worst.

You would be told, for instance, that the WWII has "pulled US out of recession", how about that? That drugs should remain illegal, that the government has a right to dictate what you and I can and can not consume, and that we should be all paying our taxes to fund NASA. So, there it is. Is this what you are looking for?

The main fault of Friedman is that he believed that the government should manage the money. For "Austrians", - this is the last thing you should want. Separating the government and money is the highest economic freedom of all. But, for Friedman, the preservation of the ability of the government to fleece it's citizens insidiously through never ending inflation, was very important goal.

This book doesn't concentrate on Friedman's main defect. Instead, it concentrates on calling him a fascist for his support of lesser freedoms, for his demand of austerity measures, for his beliefs that government schools are designed to brainwash, not educate, for his desire to leave welfare to charity, and so on.

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Lyndon H LaRouche - The ugly truth about Milton Fr iedman (1988).pdf

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Mary Herring Wright - Far from Home, Memories of W orld War II and Afterward (2005).jpg

"She’s got no more business there than a pig has with a Bible." That’s what her father said when Mary Herring announced that she would be moving to Washington, DC, in late1942. Recently graduated from the North Carolina School for Black Deaf and Blind Students, Mary had been invited to the nation’s capital by a cousin to see a specialist about her hearing loss. Though nothing could be done about her deafness, Mary quickly proved her father wrong by passing the civil service examination with high marks. Far From Home: Memories of World War II and Afterward, the second installment of her autobiography, describes her life from her move to Washington to the present.
Mary soon became a valued employee for the Navy, maintaining rosters for the many servicemen in war theaters worldwide. Her remarkable gift for detail depicts Washington in meticulous layers, a sleepy Southern town force-grown into a dynamic geopolitical hub. Life as a young woman amid the capital’s Black middle class could be warm and fun, filled with visits from family and friends, and trips home to Iron Mine for tearful, joyous reunions. But the reality of the times never far off. On many an idyllic afternoon, she and her friends found somber peace in Arlington Cemetery, next to the grave of the sole Unknown Soldier at that time. During an evening spent at the U.S.O., one hearing woman asked how people like her could dance, and Mary answered, "With our feet." She became a pen pal to several young servicemen, but did not want to know why some of them suddenly stopped writing.
Despite the close friends and good job that she had in Washington, the emotional toll caused Mary to return to her family home in Iron Mine, NC. There, she rejoined her family and resumed her country life. She married and raised four daughters, and recounts the joys and sorrows she experienced through the years, particularly the loss of her parents. Her blend of the gradual transformation of Southern rural life with momentous events such as Hurricane Hazel creates an extraordinary narrative history. The constant in Far from Home remains the steady confidence that Mary Herring Wright has in herself, making her new memoir a perfect companion to her first.

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Mary Herring Wright - Far from Home, Memories of W orld War II and Afterward (2005).pdf

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Nathan Newman - Net Loss, Internet Prophets, Priva te Profits, and the Costs to Community (2002).jpg

"Nathan Newman has written a fascinating history of the Silicon Valley that chronicles the federal government’s leading role in creating, and then privatizing, the Internet. Net Loss not only dispels the myth that the Internet emerged full-blown as a result of entrepreneurial risk in a competitive marketplace, but also explains in depth how forces of globalization have undermined regional economies in California while reshaping social and political life in local communities. This groundbreaking book is a must read for anyone concerned with the power of global corporations and the future of democratic governance."—Scott Bowman, California State University, Los Angeles
"Net Loss is the perfect antidote for the confusion generated by the years of hype and the recent disillusionment surrounding the Internet economy. Nathan Newman offers a cogent and original analysis of what the Internet has really meant to the regional economy of the Silicon Valley as well as to other regions. Anyone in search of fresh ideas carefully grounded in a rich base of research will find this book just what they have been looking for."—Peter Evans, University of California, Berkeley
How has the Internet been changing our lives, and how did these changes come about? Nathan Newman seeks the answers to these questions by studying the emergence of the Internet economy in Silicon Valley and the transformation of power relations it has brought about in our new information age. Net Loss is his effort to understand why technological innovation and growth have been accompanied by increasing economic inequality and a sense of political powerlessness among large sectors of the population.
Newman first tells the story of the federal government’s crucial role in the early development of the Internet, with the promotion of open computer standards and collaborative business practices that became the driving force of the Silicon Valley model. He then examines the complex dynamic of the process whereby regional economies have been changing as business alliances built around industries like the Internet replace the broader public investments that fueled regional growth in the past. A radical restructuring of once regionally focused industries like banking, electric utilities, and telephone companies is under way, with changes in federal regulation helping to undermine regional planning and the power of local community actors. The rise of global Internet commerce itself contributes to weakening the tax base of local governments, even as these governments increasingly use networked technology to market themselves and their citizens to global business, usually at the expense of all but their most elite residents. More optimistically, Newman sees an emerging countertrend of global use of the Internet by grassroots organizations, such as those in the antiglobalization movements, that may help to transcend this local powerlessness.

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Nathan Newman - Net Loss, Internet Prophets, Priva te Profits, and the Costs to Community (2002).pdf

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Rory McVeigh - The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan, Right -Wing Movements and National Politics (2009).jpg

In 1915, forty years after the original Ku Klux Klan disbanded, a former farmer, circuit preacher, and university lecturer named Colonel William Joseph Simmons revived the secret society. By the early 1920s the KKK had been transformed into a national movement with millions of dues-paying members and chapters in all of the nation’s forty-eight states. And unlike the Reconstruction-era society, the 1920s-era Klan exerted its influence far beyond the South.

In The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan, Rory McVeigh provides a revealing analysis of the broad social agenda of 1920s-era KKK, showing that although the organization continued to promote white supremacy, it also addressed a surprisingly wide range of social and economic issues, targeting immigrants and, particularly, Catholics, as well as African Americans, as dangers to American society. In sharp contrast to earlier studies of the KKK, which focus on the local or regional level, McVeigh treats the Klan as it saw itself—as a national organization concerned with national issues.

Drawing on extensive research into the Klan’s national publication, the Imperial Night-Hawk, he traces the ways in which Klan leaders interpreted national issues and how they attempted—and finally failed—to influence national politics.

More broadly, in detailing the Klan’s expansion in the early 1920s and its collapse by the end of the decade, McVeigh ultimately sheds light on the dynamics that fuel contemporary right-wing social movements that similarly blur the line between race, religion, and values.

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Rory McVeigh - The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan, Right -Wing Movements and National Politics (2009).pdf

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Wiliam J. Barber - From New Era to New Deal, Herbe rt Hoover, the Economists, and American Economic P olicy (1985).jpg

01 - USA1 - Wiliam J. Barber - From New Era to New Deal, Herbert H...er, the Economists, and American Economic Policy 1985.jpg

In popular imagery, Herbert Hoover is often stereotyped as a 'do-nothing' president who offered only nineteenth-century slogans for the greatest economic catastrophe in twentieth-century American history. Nothing could be further from the truth. This study examines the properties of an innovative approach to economic growth and stability formulated by Hoover and his associates during his years as secretary of commerce (1921-9) and inspects his deployment of this strategy from the White House following the Great Crash in the autumn of 1929. Attention is then focused on Hoover's attempts to reformulate his macro-economic programme as the depression deepened in late 1931 and 1932.

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Wiliam J. Barber - From New Era to New Deal, Herbe rt Hoover, the Economists, and American Economic P olicy (1985).pdf

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Steven Rosefielde, D. Quinn Mills - Masters of Ill usion, American Leadership in the Media Age (2006).jpg

The United States will confront a series of fundamental challenges through the middle of the twenty-first century. Using a theory of economic systems to gauge present and future global conflicts, Steven Rosefielde and D. Quinn Mills see the challenges as posed sequentially by terrorism, Russia, China, and the European Union. In the cases of terrorism, Russia, and China, Western leaders appreciate aspects of these perils, but they are crafting unduly soft policies to deal with the challenges. The authors believe that 'globalists' notwithstanding, such views are myopic in an era where nuclear proliferation has invalidated the concept of mutually assured destruction. What America requires is a new security concept that the authors call 'strategic independence' to enable keeping the peace in dangerous times and foster new generations of leaders capable of acting sanely despite a current public culture addicted to wishful thinking.

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Steven Rosefielde, D. Quinn Mills - Masters of Ill usion, American Leadership in the Media Age (2006).pdf

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War Machine 83 (1985).jpg

War Machine wydawnictwa Orbis Publishing Ltd. to zbiór zeszytów poświęconych wybranym rodzajom uzbrojenia XX wieku. Publikowane były w latach 1983-1986 i w tych ramach czasowych zamyka się ich zawartość. Każdy zeszyt liczy 22-24 strony i zawiera encyklopedyczne notki kilkunastu przedstawicieli poszczególnych typów uzbrojenia. Cała seria seria składa się ze 143 zeszytów tematycznych i jednego będącego kompletnym spisem wszystkich opisanych jednostek uzbrojenia.

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War Machine 83 (1985).pdf

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Ship's data 1 - Arnold S. Lott - USS North Carolin a (BB55) (1973).jpg

USS North Carolina (BB-55) – pancernik typu North Carolina z okresu II wojny światowej. Drugim okrętem serii był USS "Washington" (BB-56). Pancerniki typu North Carolina należały do pierwszej z trzech serii nowoczesnych amerykańskich okrętów liniowych biorących udział w II wojnie światowej.

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Ship's data 1 - Arnold S. Lott - USS North Carolin a (BB55) (1973).pdf

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Ship's data 2 - Arnold S. Lott - USS Alabama (BB60 ) (1974).jpg

USS "Alabama" (BB-60) – amerykański pancernik typu South Dakota, nazwany od stanu Alabama.

Stępkę pancernika położono 1 lutego 1940 roku w stoczni Norfolk Navy Yard. Został zwodowany 16 lutego 1942, matką chrzestną była pani Lister Hill, żona starszego senatora (senior senator) z Alabamy. Okręt został przyjęty do służby 16 sierpnia 1942, z George'em B. Wilsonem na stanowisku dowódcy.

Okręt wziął udział w walkach II wojny światowej

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Ship's data 2 - Arnold S. Lott - USS Alabama (BB60 ) (1974).pdf

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Robert Hopkins Miller - Vietnam and Beyond, A Dipl omat's Cold War Education (2002).jpg

This is an "ADST-DACOR Diplomats and Diplomacy Book". Robert Hopkins Miller spent nearly one-third of his forty-year Foreign Service career on America's unsuccessful Vietnam venture - from 1962 to the end of the war. This memoir of his full career emphasizes his Vietnam years but also covers his postings in Europe and assignments as ambassador to Malaysia, 1977-80, and to Cote d'Ivoire, 1983-86. During the war Miller was an active member of the mission to Saigon and to the Paris peace negotiations. As a player in the events of those years, he provides us with fascinating and informative observations of such luminaries as Maxwell Taylor, Henry Cabot Lodge, Philip Habib, William Bundy, David Bruce, Robert Komer, and the South Vietnamese leadership and offers new insights into the conduct of diplomacy during the war. He describes the internal debates and frequent arguments, the tensions and the anguish that went on below the top policy levels in Washington. Miller supplements personal recollections of his professional life with documentation from published accounts and official files to give a full picture of life in the Foreign Service during peace and war. He reveals how one diplomat's thinking on Vietnam evolved as America's frustrations grew, and he conveys a sense of how we became entangled in a major trouble spot. '[This] remarkable story of a single foreign service officer who was involved in many of the key issues of the Cold War era...is a must read for anyone with an interest in seeing how our nation's foreign policies are developed and staffed by professionals...[It] is a candid, perceptive, and revealing recital...on the personalities, complexities, and challenges that constituted America's torturous experience with...Vietnam' - Barry Zorthian. 'Bob Miller takes us into the engine room of the Titanic as U.S. policy in Vietnam unswervingly approaches the iceberg of reality. His candid and valuable memoir of the war as seen from the mid-level of the State Department bureaucracy'

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Robert Hopkins Miller - Vietnam and Beyond, A Dipl omat's Cold War Education (2002).pdf

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Andrew R. Murphy - Conscience and Community, Revis iting Toleration and Religious Dissent in Early Mo dern England and America (2001).jpg

01 - USA1 - Andrew R. Murphy - Conscience and Community, Revisitin...gious Dissent in Early Modern England and America 2001.jpg

Religious toleration appears near the top of any short list of core liberal democratic values. Theorists from John Locke to John Rawls emphasize important interconnections between the principles of toleration, constitutional government, and the rule of law.
Conscience and Community revisits the historical emergence of religious liberty in the Anglo-American tradition, looking deeper than the traditional emergence of toleration to find not a series of self-evident or logically connected expansions but instead a far more complex evolution. Murphy argues that contemporary liberal theorists have misunderstood and misconstrued the actual historical development of toleration in theory and practice.
Murphy approaches the concept through three "myths" about religious toleration: that it was opposed only by ignorant, narrow-minded persecutors; that it was achieved by skeptical Enlightenment rationalists; and that tolerationist arguments generalize easily from religion to issues such as gender, race, ethnicity, and sexuality, providing a basis for identity politics. The book seeks a renewed appreciation of the specificity that made religious toleration so divisive as well as the general tension between conscience and community that persists in contemporary societies.

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Andrew R. Murphy - Conscience and Community, Revis iting Toleration and Religious Dissent in Early Mo dern England and America (2001).pdf

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David T. Gleeson - The Irish in the South, 1815-18 77 (2000).jpg

The only comprehensive study of Irish immigrants in the nineteenth-century South, this book makes a valuable contribution to the story of the Irish in America and to our understanding of southern culture.
The Irish who migrated to the Old South struggled to make a new home in a land where they were viewed as foreigners and were set apart by language, high rates of illiteracy, and their own self-identification as temporary exiles from famine and British misrule. They countered this isolation by creating vibrant, tightly knit ethnic communities in the cities and towns across the South where they found work, usually menial jobs. Finding strength in their communities, Irish immigrants developed the confidence to raise their voices in the public arena, forcing native southerners to recognize and accept them--first politically, then socially.
The Irish integrated into southern society without abandoning their ethnic identity. They displayed their loyalty by fighting for the Confederacy during the Civil War and in particular by opposing the Radical Reconstruction that followed. By 1877, they were a unique part of the "Solid South." Unlike the Irish in other parts of the United States, the Irish in the South had to fit into a regional culture as well as American culture in general. By following their attempts to become southerners, we learn much about the unique experience of ethnicity in the American South.

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David T. Gleeson - The Irish in the South, 1815-18 77 (2000).pdf

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Dianne Kirby - Religion and the Cold War (2002).jpg

Although seen widely as the 20th century's great religious war, as a conflict between the god-fearing and the godless, the religious dimension of the Cold War has never been subjected to a scholarly critique. This unique study shows why religion is a key Cold War variable. A specially commissioned collection of new scholarship, it provides fresh insights into the complex nature of the Cold War. It has profound resonance today with the resurgence of religion as a political force in global society.

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Dianne Kirby - Religion and the Cold War (2002).pdf

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Keith L. Shimko - The Iraq Wars and America's Mili tary Revolution (2010).jpg

Many saw the United States' decisive victory in Desert Storm (1991) as not only vindication of American defense policy since Vietnam but also confirmation of a revolution in military affairs (RMA). Just as information-age technologies were revolutionizing civilian life, the Gulf War appeared to reflect similarly profound changes in warfare. A debate has raged ever since about a contemporary RMA and its implications for American defense policy. Addressing these issues, The Iraq Wars and America's Military Revolution is a comprehensive study of the Iraq Wars in the context of the RMA debate. Focusing on the creation of a reconnaissance-strike complex and conceptions of parallel or nonlinear warfare, Keith L. Shimko finds a persuasive case for a contemporary RMA while recognizing its limitations as well as promise. The RMA's implications for American defense policy are more ambiguous because the military lessons of the Iraq Wars need be placed in the context of judgments about national interests and predictions of future strategic environments.

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Gary B. Nash - Landmarks of the American Revolutio n (2003).jpg

In 1775, on the green of Lexington, Massachusetts, 2,200 British minutemen fired upon the local militia -- seventy colonial farmers and village artisans in total. The British suffered staggering losses: half of their troops died. And so began the American Revolution. In Landmarks of the American Revolution, fourteen key sites and numerous secondary locales show with rich detail and fascinating anecdotes where the War of Independence took place. In addition to the Lexington-Concord Battle Site, historian Gary Nash features Independence Hall in Philadelphia where the Declaration of Independence was signed; John Paul Jones House in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where the out-of-work, 28-year-old immigrant who went on to become one of the new nation's naval heroes lived; Peyton Randolph House in Williamsburg, Virginia, a place emblematic of African Americans' role in the war; and many other significant places of the American Revolution. A dynamic journey through history that reveals all sides in the war -- loyalists, patriots, African American, Native American, women, British -- Landmarks of the American Revolution brings to life how a new nation came to be.

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Gary B. Nash - Landmarks of the American Revolutio n (2003).pdf

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Glenn Beck, Kevin Balfe - Broke, The Plan to Resto re Our Trust, Truth and Treasure (2010).jpg

THE FACTS.
THE FUTURE.
THE FIGHT TO FIX AMERICA—
BEFORE IT’S TOO LATE.
In the words of Harvard economist Niall Ferguson, the United States is “an empire on the edge of chaos.” Why? Glenn Beck thinks the answer is pretty simple: Because we’ve turned our backs on the Constitution.
Yes, our country is financially broke, but that’s just a side effect of our broken spirit, our broken faith in government, the broken promises by our leaders, and a broken political system that has centralized power at the expense of individual rights.
There is a lot of work ahead, but we can’t move forward until we first understand how we got here. Starting with the American Revolution, Glenn takes readers on an ex train through 234 years of history, culminating with the Great Recession and the bipartisan recklessness of Presidents Bush and Obama. It’s the history lesson we all wished we’d had in school. (Did you know, for example, that FDR once made a key New Deal policy decision based on his lucky number?)
Along the way, you’ll see how everything you thought you knew about the political parties is a lie, how Democrats and Republicans alike used to fight for minimum government and maximum freedom, and how both parties have been taken over by a cancer called “progressivism.” By the end, you’ll understand why no president, no congress and no court can fix this problem alone. Looking toward them for answers is like looking toward the ocean for drinking water— it looks promising, but the end result is catastrophic.
After revealing the trail of lies that brought us here, Broke exposes the truth about what we’re really facing. Most people have seen pieces of the puzzle, but very few have ever seen the whole picture—and for very good reason: Our leaders have done everything in their power to hide it. If Americans understood how dire things really are, they would be demanding radical reform right now. Despite the rhetoric, that’s not the kind of change our politicians really believe in.
Finally, Broke pres the hope that comes with knowing the truth. Once you see what we’re really up against, it’s much easier to develop a realistic plan. To fix ourselves financially, Glenn argues, we have to fix ourselves first. That means some serious introspection and, ultimately, a series of actions that will unite all Americans around the concept of shared sacrifice. After all, this generation may not be asked to storm beaches, but we are being asked to do something just as critical to preserving freedom.
Packed with great stories from history, chalkboard-style teachable moments, custom illustrations, and Glenn Beck’s trademark combination of entertainment and enlightenment, Broke makes the case that when you’re traveling in the wrong direction, slight course corrections won’t cut it—you need to take drastic action. Through a return to individual rights, an uncompromising adherence to the Constitution, and a complete rethinking about the role of government in a free society, Glenn exposes the idea of “transformation” for the progressive smokescreen that it is, and instead builds a compelling case that restoration is the only way forward.

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krzysiek83831 napisano 16.08.2015 22:58

Zapraszam

pages72 napisano 18.07.2016 09:26

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dark395 napisano 21.02.2017 03:17

U Mnie same najlepsze screenmaty 2000-2005 roku I Deskmaty!!!!

halina21 napisano 12.08.2019 22:32

obrazek

Życzę miłego wieczoru i wspaniałych snów...Halina

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Z pewnych kontrowersyjnych powodów... Wszystkie pliki na tej stronie zostały zamieszczone... Użytkownik niniejszego konta nie ponosi odpowiedzialności... USTAWA z dnia 4 lutego 1994 r. o prawie...

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Super chomik