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widziany: 7.01.2026 11:09

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In Maya Daykeeping, three divinatory calendars from highland Guatemala--examples of a Mayan literary tradition that includes the Popul Vuh, Annals of the Cakchiquels, and the Titles of the Lords of Totonicapan--dating to 1685, 1722, and 1855, are transcribed in K'iche or Kaqchikel side-by-side with English translations. Calendars such as these continue to be the basis for prognostication, determining everything from the time for planting and harvest to foreshadowing illness and death. Good, bad, and mixed fates can all be found in these examples of the solar calendar and the 260-day divinatory calendar.

The use of such calendars is mentioned in historical and ethnographic works, but very few examples are known to exist. Each of the three calendars transcribed and translated by John M. Weeks, Frauke Sachse, and Christian M. Prager--and housed at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology--is unique in structure and content. Moreover, except for an unpublished study of the 1722 calendar by Rudolf Schuller and Oliver La Farge (1934), these little-known works appear to have escaped the attention of most scholars. Introductory essays contextualize each document in time and space, and a series of appendixes present previously unpublished calendrical notes assembled in the early twentieth century.

Providing considerable information on the divinatory use of calendars in colonial highland Maya society previously unavailable without a visit to the University of Pennsylvania's archives, Maya Daykeeping is an invaluable primary resource for Maya scholars.

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Archaeology has often been put to political use, particularly by nationalists. This timely collection ranges from propaganda purposes served by archaeology in the Nazi state to lesser-known instances of ideological archaeology elsewhere. A distinguished group of international scholars highlights common threads in these experiences, arguing that archaeologists need to be more sophisticated about the use and abuse of their studies. The book raises cogent questions concerning not only archaeology, but also history and anthropology in general.

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"Machiavelli in the British Isles" reassesses the impact of Machiavelli's "The Prince" in sixteenth-century England and Scotland through the analysis of early English translations produced before 1640, surviving in manuscript form. This study concentrates on two of the four extant sixteenth-century versions: William Fowler's Scottish translation and the "Queen's College" (Oxford) English translation, which has been hitherto overlooked by scholars. Alessandra Petrina begins with an overview of the circulation and readership of Machiavelli in early modern Britain before focusing on the eight surviving manuscripts. She reconstructs each manuscript's history and the afterlife of the translations before moving to a detailed examination of two of the translations. Petrina's investigation of William Fowler's translation takes into account his biography, in order to understand the Machiavellian influence on early modern political thought. Her study of the "Queen's College" translation analyses the manuscript's provenance as well as technical details including writing and paper quality. Importantly, this book includes annotated editions of both translations, which compare the texts with the original Italian versions as well as French and Latin versions. With this volume Petrina has compiled an important reference source, offering easy access to little-known translations and shedding light on a community of readers and scholars who were fascinated by Machiavelli, despite political or religious opinion.

About the Author
Alessandra Petrina is Professor of English Literature at the Universita di Padova, Italy. She has published The Kingis Quair of James I of Scotland (1997) and Cultural Politics in Fifteenth-century England. The Case of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (2004).

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In this collection of problems, Raymond Smullyan transports the game of chess to the world of the Arabian knights. The White King is Haroun Al Rashid, the White Bishop is his Grand Vizier, Archie. They are out to counter the Black King Kazir's attempts at invisibility, and to unmask the disguised Queen Medea. In addition, using the deductive logic that is the hallmark of these exercises in retrograde analysis, Haroun and Archie discover pawns who've robbed the royal treasury, lazy knights who refuse to move more than once or twice, and buried castles, as well as encountering any number of phantoms, genii, magicians, philosophers, and hermits.

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While Europe was in the Dark Ages, classical learning from ancient Greece, Rome, and Persia was being preserved and advanced in Islamic libraries and universities. From 632 to 1258, the Islamic Empire was the most powerful and cultured domain in the world. Less than a century after its founding, the empire had grown from a loose confederation of desert tribes into the largest empire in the history of the world, larger than the mighty Roman Empire at its peak. "Empire of the Islamic World, Revised Edition" opens with a brief summary of the Islamic Empire, and gives a sense of the world and geographic area in the years leading up to the empire. The book continues by exploring the empire's society, culture, and daily life including architecture and art; astronomy and mathematics; customs, holidays, sports, and foods; government systems; industry and trade; language and literature; military structure and strategy; and, mythology and religious beliefs.

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A great civilization that grew up around the Nile River, ancient Egypt had sophisticated irrigation systems that held back the desert, writing and recordkeeping that tracked every event in the region, and some of the greatest architects and engineers the world has ever seen. This revised edition of "Empire of Ancient Egypt" sorts through the myths of popular culture and contradictory historical evidence to give a clear, detailed picture of the life and history of the ancient Egyptians. It explains why religion played such an important part in Egyptian politics, who stood atop the Egyptian social pyramid, what games Egyptian children played, and why Egypt eventually succumbed to the Roman Empire. Connections to our modern world include everything from licorice, cosmetics, and the domesticated cat to architecture, farming practices, and baseball.

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The myths of the Aztec and Maya derive from a shared Mesoamerican cultural tradition. This is very much a living tradition, and many of the motifs and gods mentioned in early sources are still evoked in the lore of contemporary Mexico and Guatemala. Professor Taube discusses the different sources for Aztec and Maya myths. The Aztec empire began less than 200 years before the Sp anish conquest, and our knowledge of their mythology derives primarily from native colonial documents and manuscripts commissioned by the Spa nish. The Maya mythology is far older, and our knowledge of it comes mainly from native manuscripts of the Classic period, over 600 years before the Sp anish conquest. Drawing on these sources as well as nineteenth- and twentieth-century excavations and research, including the interpretation of the codices and the decipherment of Maya hieroglyphic writing, the author discusses, among other things, the Popol Vuh myths of the Maya, the flood myth of Northern Yucatan, and the Aztec creation myths.

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This book is an entertaining read and is certainly well researched in parts. Amberger avoids some of the problem that Richard Cohen encountered in "By the sword" but by and large they both extend their considerable expertise just a bit too broadly to support their arguments. His personal experience in the German duelling halls are exciting to read. He wisely avoids much discussion concerning metalurgy and the actual production of blades and doesn't stray far from the European/American tradition which he knows well.

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This book explores the historical roots of economic nationalism within Japan. In a situation analogous to early modern Germany, Japan in the Edo period (1600-1867) was divided into over 230 realms, many of which developed into competitive states that struggled to reduce the dominance of the shogun's economy. This study of the merchants of one such domain, Tosa, reveals how they developed mercantilist strategies to protect and invigorate their domain's economy, and to support the public value of the merchant in a hostile Confucian world.

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Why did World War I happen? Several of the oft-cited causes are reviewed and discussed in this analysis. The argument of the alliance systems is inadequate, lacking relevance or compelling force. The argument of an accident or "slide" is also inadequate, given the clear and unambiguous evidence of intentions. The arguments of mass demands focusing on nationalism, militarism, and social Darwinism are also arguably insufficient. They lack indications of frequency, intensity, and process or influence on the various decisions.

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The image of Hitler as a demagogic "pied piper" leading astray the "little people" of Austria is as misleading as it is powerful. Nazism and the Working Class in Austria is a case study of the ambiguous relationship between state and society under the Nazis. Workers did not seriously attempt or even expect to overthrow the Nazi regime in the face of unprecedented surveillance and terror; but neither were they converted, and their oppositional strategies and disgruntled political opinions reveal a truculent workforce, rather than one that was contented and converted.

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Hindenburg reveals how a previously little-known general, whose career to normal retirement age had provided no real foretaste of his heroic status, became a national icon and living myth in Germany after the First World War, capturing the imagination of millions. In a period characterized by rupture and fragmentation, the legend surrounding Paul von Hindenburg brought together a broad coalition of Germans and became one of the most potent forces in Weimar politics.

Charting the origins of the myth, from Hindenburg's decisive victory at the Battle of Tannenberg in 1914 to his death in Nazi Germany and beyond, Anna Menge explains why the presence of Hindenburg's name on the ballot mesmerized an overwhelming number of voters in the presidential elections of 1925. His myth-an ever-evolving phenomenon-increasingly transcended the dividing lines of interwar politics, which helped him secure re-election by left-wing and moderate voters. Indeed, the only two times in German history that the people could elect their head of state directly and secretly, they chose this national icon. Hindenburg even managed to defeat Adolf Hitler in 1932, making him the Nazi leader's final arbiter; it was he who made the final and fateful decision to appoint Hitler as Chancellor in January 1933.

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After World War I, diplomats and leaders at the Paris Peace Talks redrew the map of Europe, carving up ancient empires and transforming Europe's eastern half into new nation-states. Drawing heavily on the past, the leaders of these young countries crafted national mythologies and deployed them at home and abroad. Domestically, myths were a tool for legitimating the new state with fractious electorates. In Great Power capitals, they were used to curry favor and to compete with the mythologies and propaganda of other insecure postwar states.

The new postwar state of Czechoslovakia forged a reputation as Europe's democratic outpost in the East, an island of enlightened tolerance amid an increasingly fascist Central and Eastern Europe. In Battle for the Castle, Andrea Orzoff traces the myth of Czechoslovakia as an ideal democracy. The architects of the myth were two academics who had fled Austria-Hungary in the Great War's early years. Tomáas Garrigue Masaryk, who became Czechoslovakia's first president, and Edvard Benes, its longtime foreign minister and later president, propagated the idea of the Czechs as a tolerant, prosperous, and cosmopolitan people, devoted to European ideals, and Czechoslovakia as a Western ally capable of containing both German aggression and Bolshevik radicalism. Deeply distrustful of Czech political parties and Parliamentary leaders, Benes and Masaryk created an informal political organization known as the Hrad or "Castle." This powerful coalition of intellectuals, journalists, businessmen, religious leaders, and Great War veterans struggled with Parliamentary leaders to set the country's political agenda and advance the myth. Abroad, the Castle wielded the national myth to claim the attention and defense of the West against its increasingly hungry neighbors. When Hitler occupied the country, the mythic Czechoslovakia gained power as its leaders went into wartime exile. Once Czechoslovakia regained its independence after 1945, the Castle myth reappeared. After the Communist coup of 1948, many Castle politicians went into exile in America, where they wrote the Castle myth of an idealized Czechoslovakia into academic and political discourse.

Battle for the Castle demonstrates how this founding myth became enshrined in Czechoslovak and European history. It powerfully articulates the centrality of propaganda and the mass media to interwar European cultural diplomacy and politics, and the tense, combative atmosphere of European international relations from the beginning of the First World War well past the end of the Second.

About the Author
Andrea Orzoff is Associate Professor of History at New Mexico State University.

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This selection of essays and papers, published variously in Wales,
England, France and North America between 1964 and 1990, deals with the fifteenth century. It explores themes in the history of England, Wales and, to some extent, the dominions of the English crown beyond. Such a triple perspective can be instructive for the historian of England as well as for historians of Wales and of the king's lands overseas. Crown, court and capital were the fulcrum of political, administrative and social developments throughout the English realm and its associated dominions, as is illustrated here by the experience of Yorkshire and the north, and the principality and marches of Wales. Regional and more local relationships among magnates and gentry and their tenantry, among townsmen and religious and secular clergy, are of comparable significance in a polity which had strong and intricate links between capital and country, crown and localities, realm and dominions, court, castle, manor and town house.

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According to the "Hebrew Bible", David rose from humble beginnings as a sheepherder in the hills of Bethlehem to become the ruler of the ancient kingdom of Israel and the founder of an empire that included not only the modern state of Israel, but parts of Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan as well. Courageous and conniving, pious and vengeful, warrior, poet, fugitive, and king, David is not only one of the most complex and fascinating figures in Hebrew scripture but also one of the ancient world's best-known leaders. "King David" uses the ample writings by and about the revered king of Israel to explore his historical significance in world history and how his time in power contributed to modern-day situations in the Middle East.

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Ramses II, pharaoh of the 19th Dynasty, left an indelible mark on ancient Egypt. Often known as Ramses the Great, his reign was a golden age when political and cultural life thrived. He created spectacular monuments, including the magnificent Abu Simbel temples, the royal city of Piramses, and his mortuary temple Ramesseum. As a military leader, he expanded the Egyptian sovereignty from Nubia in the south to Syria in the west. Brilliant and ambitious, he forged with the Hittite Empire the first-ever peace treaty.

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Leo Shin traces the roots of China's modern ethnic configurations to the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). Challenging the traditional view that China's expansion was primarily an exercise of incorporation and assimilation, Shin argues that as the center extended its reach to the wild and inaccessible south, the political interests of the state, the economic needs of the settlers, and the imaginations of the cultural elites all facilitated the demarcation and categorization of these borderland 'non-Chinese' populations. Similarly, modern-day Chinese rulers also find it critical to officially recognize a total of fifty-six 'nationalities'.

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