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Acclaimed historian Alan Brinkley gives us a sharply realized portrait of Henry Luce, arguably the most important publisher of the twentieth century.As the founder of Time, Fortune, and Life magazines, Luce changed the way we consume news and the way we understand our world. Born the son of missionaries, Henry Luce spent his childhood in rural China, yet he glimpsed a milieu of power altogether different at Hotchkiss and later at Yale. While working at a Baltimore newspaper, he and Brit Hadden conceived the idea of Time: a “news-magazine” that would condense the week’s events in a format accessible to increasingly busy members of the middle class. They launched it in 1923, and young Luce quickly became a publishing titan. In 1936, after Time’s unexpected success—and Hadden’s early death—Luce published the first issue of Life, to which millions soon subscribed.Brinkley shows how Luce reinvented the magazine industry in just a decade. The appeal of Life seemingly cut across the lines of race, class, and gender. Luce himself wielded influence hitherto unknown among journalists. By the early 1940s, he had come to see his magazines as vehicles to advocate for America’s involvement in the escalating international crisis, in the process popularizing the phrase “World War II.” In spite of Luce’s great success, happiness eluded him. His second marriage—to the glamorous playwright, politician, and diplomat Clare Boothe—was a shambles. Luce spent his later years in isolation, consumed at times with conspiracy theories and peculiar vendettas. The Publisher tells a great American story of spectacular achievement—yet it never loses sight of the public and private costs at which that achievement came.

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In this stunning work of history and investigative journalism, Reisner tells the story of conflicts over water policy in the West and the resulting damage to the land, wildlife and Indians. PW stated that this "timely and important book should be required reading for all citizens."
Winner of the National Book Critics Circle Award.

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  • 427 KB
  • 11 cze 13 9:33
Wojna w Zatoce Perskiej z 1991 roku CO jedna z najbardziej fascynujących kampanii wojskowych współczesnej historii. Zaledwie w ciągu 7 miesięcy w rejonie Zatoki stworzono potężne zgrupowanie amerykańskich wojsk wspieranych przez sojusznicza koalicję i rzucono je do boju w kampanii, w której z łatwością zniszczono przeciwnika. Był to nowy rodzaj działań wojennych, który porwał obserwatorów niespotykaną dotąd precyzją i silą rażenia. Do słownika wprowadzono pojęcia z terminologii wojskowej, np. „niewidzialne samoloty" „inteligentne bomby" „pole widzenia broni" które dały początek nowemu wymiarowi działań wojennych. W materiałach wideo pokazywano pociski precyzyjnie trafiające w cel. Była to także wojna media) na, która wyniosła mało znaną agencję informacyjną Cable News Network (CNN) na dominującą pozycję wśród światowych mediów, zajmowaną przez tę stację do dziś.

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  • 393 KB
  • 11 cze 13 9:33
On March 9, 1862, the world saw the first battle between two ironclad warships; a battle which would change the face of naval warfare forever. The fight took place in the Mississippi River, Virginia, between the newly-developed Confederate ironclad CSS Merrimack - officially the CSS Virginia - and the Union's counterpart USS Monitor. The four-hour duel that ensued was ultimately a stalemate, but crucially, despite their best efforts, the Confederacy had failed again to break the Northern blockade of the Southern ports. This comic strip narrative illustrates one of the most revolutionary naval battles in world history and transports the reader to the cramped and dangerous conditions that the sailors faced for the first time.

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  • 11 cze 13 9:33
Secretly planned down to the last detail by Hitler himself, the "Battle of the Bulge" was the last major German attack on the Western Front. On December 16, 1944, thirty German divisions roared across the Allied front in an attack intended to split them in two. The battle that ensued nearly proved disastrous for the American forces and witnessed some of the harshest fighting conditions of the entire war. However, despite the Americans being under-equipped and under strength, Hitler's offensive was stopped; extinguishing any hopes of German victory. This book vividly recreates an attack remembered as the biggest and bloodiest single battle American soldiers have ever fought.

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'The Wilderness' encompassed a 70-square-mile expanse of virtually impenetrable woodland in central Virginia, so dense it made conventional warfare impossible. The first battle, of Lieutenant General Ulyysses S Grant's 1864 Overland Campaign against the Army of Northern Virginia, the Wilderness witnessed some of the fiercest fighting of the Civil War. Though outnumbered, General Lee's forces posed stiff resistance to Grant's offensive. At the end of the three-day battle, the outcome was uncertain, and the fight ended in a draw. Brilliantly illustrating one of the American Civil War's most tactically challenging battles, this comic strip narrative brings to life a completely new type of warfare; the likes of which had never been fought before on American soil.

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  • 406 KB
  • 11 cze 13 9:33
Put Your Faith into Action
A leading voice at the crossroads of faith and politics offers a prophetic appeal for our times: faced with a growing gap between the rich and poor, bombarded by national security alerts that ratchet up our stress levels, taxed by a govern-ment that spends billions of dollars on war -- where do we find hope? In this revised and updated edition of his classic, Jim Wallis insightfully critiques contemporary culture and politics, inspiring us with stories to convert our way of thinking and point to a solution to our current social and political dilemmas.

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Supermarkets are a mundane feature in the landscape, but as Tracey Deutsch reveals, they represent a major transformation in the ways that Americans feed themselves. In her examination of the history of food distribution in the United States, Deutsch demonstrates the important roles that gender, business, class, and the state played in the evolution of American grocery stores.

Deutsch's analysis reframes shopping as labor and embeds consumption in the structures of capitalism. The supermarket, that icon of postwar American life, emerged not from straightforward consumer demand for low prices, Deutsch argues, but through government regulations, women customers' demands, and retailers' concerns with financial success and control of the "shop floor." From small neighborhood stores to huge corporate chains of supermarkets, Deutsch traces the charged story of the origins of contemporary food distribution, treating topics as varied as everyday food purchases, the sales tax, postwar celebrations and critiques of mass consumption, and 1960s and 1970s urban insurrections. Demonstrating connections between women's work and the history of capitalism, Deutsch locates the origins of supermarkets in the politics of twentieth-century consumption.
Supermarkets are a mundane feature in the landscape, but as Tracey Deutsch reveals, they represent a major transformation in the ways that Americans feed themselves. In her examination of the history of food distribution in the United States, Deutsch demonstrates the important roles that gender, business, class, and the state played in the evolution of American grocery stores.

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  • 11 cze 13 9:33
In the 1930s thousands of African Americans abandoned their long-standing allegiance to the party of Abraham Lincoln and began voting for Democratic Party candidates. This new voting pattern remapped the nation’s political landscape and altered the relationship between citizen and government. One of the forgotten builders of this modern Democratic Party was Memphis mayor and congressman Edward Hull Crump (1874-1954). Crump created a biracial, multiethnic coalition within the segregated South that transformed the Mississippi Delta’s largest city into a modern southern metropolis. Crump expanded city regulatory power, increased government efficiency and established a publicly owned electric utility. In addition, he secured a comprehensive flood control system for portions of the lower Mississippi River Valley. G. Wayne Dowdy cataloged the personal papers of Crump for the Memphis Public Library and brings Southern political history to life in this biography. In the 1930s Crump emerged as a national leader who influenced the direction of American politics. In 1936 Time described Crump as "one of the South’s most remarkable politicians." A political advisor to Franklin Roosevelt, Crump’s convinced a large number of blacks to abandon their allegiance to the Republicans for the party of FDR. Ironically, Crump’s power and influence ebbed over the course of the 1940s in large part due to the increasing independence of black voters seeking to desegregate Memphis and the South. Determined to maintain segregation, Crump abandoned the Democrats in 1948 for the States Rights Party and experienced a crushing political defeat.

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Government spending has increased dramatically in the United States since World War II despite the many rules intended to rein in the insatiable appetite for tax revenue most politicians seem to share. Drawing on examples from the federal and state governments, Rules and Restraint explains in lucid, nontechnical prose why these budget rules tend to fail, and proposes original alternatives for imposing much-needed fiscal discipline on our legislators. One reason budget rules are ineffective, David Primo shows, is that politicians often create and preserve loopholes to protect programs that benefit their constituents. Another reason is that legislators must enforce their own provisions, an arrangement that is seriously compromised by their unwillingness to abide by rules that demand short-term sacrifices for the sake of long-term gain. Convinced that budget rules enacted through such a flawed legislative process are unlikely to work, Primo ultimately calls for a careful debate over the advantages and drawbacks of a constitutional convention initiated by the states—a radical step that would bypass Congress to create a path toward change. Rules and Restraint will be required reading for anyone interested in institutional design, legislatures, and policymaking.

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  • 11 cze 13 9:33
The Civil Rights Movement succeeded in large measure because of rhetorical appeals grounded in the Judeo-Christian religion. While movement leaders often used America's founding documents and ideals to depict Jim Crow's contradictory ways, the language and lessons of both the Old and New Testaments were often brought to bear on many civil rights events and issues, from local desegregation to national policy matters. This volume chronicles how national movement leaders and local activists moved a nation to live up to the Biblical ideals it often professed but infrequently practiced.

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  • 11 cze 13 9:33
Wyposażenie indywidualne żołnierza amerykańskie-go, bez względu na to, czy dotyczy to oporządzenia TE-21, TA50, LBE czy LCE, rzadko było wysoko o-ceniane - jeśli nie brać pod uwagę opinii jego projektantów. Niemniej jednak było ono i będzie nadal istotnym składnikiem ładunku dźwiganego przez walczących ludzi. Stwierdzenie, że oporządzenie żołnierza (najbardziej powszechny termin od czasu I wojny światowej do dziś) było mu bliskie, to mało powiedziane. Od dawna uważano, że jeżeli żołnierz w polu nie ma na sobie oporządzenia, to powinien je mieć w zasięgu ręki. Żołnierz wycofujący się na tyły czuje się bez swego ekwipunku zupełnie nagi; jego odczucia są teraz zupełnie różne od reakcji w pierwszych dniach szkolenia podstawowego, kiedy to - spoglądając na kłopotliwą plątaninę pasów, troków, toreb i nie znanych przedmiotów - słyszał wrzask musztrującego sierżanta: „Już ja wam wszystkim pokażę, jak zebrać do kupy ten cały majdan... to będzie część waszego ciała!".

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  • 11 cze 13 9:33
Writing in the June 1965 issue of theEconomic Journal, Harry G. Johnson begins with a sentence seemingly calibrated to the scale of the book he set himself to review: "The long-awaited monetary history of the United States by Friedman and Schwartz is in every sense of the term a monumental scholarly achievement--monumental in its sheer bulk, monumental in the definitiveness of its treatment of innumerable issues, large and small . . . monumental, above all, in the theoretical and statistical effort and ingenuity that have been brought to bear on the solution of complex and subtle economic issues."

Friedman and Schwartz marshaled massive historical data and sharp analytics to support the claim that monetary policy--steady control of the money supply--matters profoundly in the management of the nation's economy, especially in navigating serious economic fluctuations. In their influential chapter 7, The Great Contraction--which Princeton published in 1965 as a separate paperback--they address the central economic event of the century, the Depression. According to Hugh Rockoff, writing in January 1965: "If Great Depressions could be prevented through timely actions by the monetary authority (or by a monetary rule), as Friedman and Schwartz had contended, then the case for market economies was measurably stronger."

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Acclaimed cookbook author Harris (The Africa Cookbook, 1998) tells the story of the African diaspora through food, from the foodstuff brought along with African slaves to barely maintain them on the Middle Passage to the undeniable imprint of African American cuisine on southern American and Caribbean food. She traces African foods (yams, okra, black-eyed peas, corn), flavoring, cooking methods, and food rituals from the abduction of Africans and enslavement in the Americas to travel throughout the American and European continents, recounting tribulations and joy. Along the way, she profiles famous and obscure but gifted cooks; cooks in the big houses of slave plantations; “Pig Foot” Mary, who grew wealthy from sales of food she cooked on a stove mounted on a baby carriage; chefs who served meals to presidents; and members of a cooperative of black hoteliers in Philadelphia in the nineteenth century. Along with historical context, Harris offers recollections from her own travels and ends with selected recipes. Photographs enhance this passionate perspective on the culinary history of the African diaspora.

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This book is concerned with the phenomena of law films. As well as a long and distinguished heritage (everyone it seems remembers Henry Fonda’s lone battle for justice in Twelve Angry Men) many modern films are also centred on law and lawyers (The Firm, Devil’s Advocate, Erin Brockovich etc). Films with a legal element have been used in the teaching of law for some time both to enliven teaching and provide a means to discuss substantial issues. More importantly, there is now a growing body of scholarly work that seeks to examine what legal films are about and what the content of such films contributes to our understanding of law and lawyers. This book has several aims that seek to set out the boundaries of the study of film and the law. It draws upon the work that has been produced to date, by both American and English law academics, but most importantly offers a critical analysis of the subject area is and where further study may take it.

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The United States has been spending its way deeper and deeper into the red, and saddling future generations with the mess—but who's paying attention? To answer that question, the companion book to the critically acclaimed documentary I.O.U.S.A. talks with some of the most revered voices in the nation, including Warren Buffett; former Treasury Secretaries Paul O’Neill and Robert Rubin; Pete Peterson, CEO of The Blackstone Group; Congressman Ron Paul (R-Texas); and bestselling Empire of Debt author Bill Bonner. Armed with these interviews, historical references, and damning statistics, the book takes a lively and entertaining romp through the four deficits the nation faces: the budget deficit, the personal savings deficit, the trade deficit—and what former U.S. Comptroller General David Walker, who resigned abruptly in 2008 over Congress’s lack of action, calls the “leadership deficit” in Washington. Defiantly non-partisan, the empowering solutions outlined in these pages are a must-read for any American who wants to help change “business-as-usual” in Washington as a new administration heads towards the Oval Office. “We the People” can get our politicians to stop spending, promote responsible economic programs, and hand our children and grandchildren the secure future they deserve.

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Early on, relates Christopher Andersen in American Evita, Bill and Hillary Clinton created "The Plan"---an arrangement in which the Clintons would reverse roles once he was out of office and Mr. Clinton would help his wife reach her ultimate goal: the presidency. Now that Mrs. Clinton is a Senator from New York, the second part of The Plan is in effect, and regaining the White House is only part of it--if elected president, Mrs. Clinton would also, according to Andersen, work to get her husband installed as a Supreme Court Justice. It becomes clear over the course of this book that Mrs. Clinton was the guiding hand during her husband's two terms, including heading up the near-constant damage control required as a result of a string of scandals and her husband's reckless behavior. This was not done out of loyalty to her husband, Andersen stresses, but because she recognized that she needed to save him in order to further her own career later on. Though much of the information in this book has been printed before, Andersen does offer tantalizing new details about Mrs. Clinton's long-running affair with Vince Foster, the numerous pardons of criminals that were made in the final days of the Clinton administration in order to help Mrs. Clinton's Senate bid, her self-serving actions in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and her efforts to constantly upstage the 2004 Democratic nominees for president, particularly John Kerry. Part of the reason for doing this, Andersen maintains, is that she actually wants the Democrats to lose the presidential election in 2004 in order to better set the stage for her own run in 2008. One cannot read this book without being struck by the fact that nearly every move Mrs. Clinton has made over the past 30 years has been calculated, and in this regard American Evita is a fascinating depiction of "the most famous, most controversial, most complex, most loved-hated-admired-reviled woman---perhaps person---in America."

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When Race Counts investigates the use of race-conscious practices in social policy in Britain and America. It questions the distinction between affirmative action and preferential treatment, and evaluates the effectiveness of a range of education and employment policies designed to counteract both unintended and direct discrimination against ethnic minorities.
The book uses both empirical and moral analyses to examine the controversial dilemma of whether and in what circumstances preferential treatment may be used as a means of improving the condition of minority groups. John Edwards looks at justifications for overriding the merit principle, particularly in employment, and shows who bears the costs of such a policy, and where the benefits lie. He argues that the merit principle is in itself so flawed that to override it would cause no great damange to justice. He then sets out the requirements of an acceptable policy of minority preference tailored to the disadvantages of specific minority groups.

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Building on Schmitz's earlier work, Thank God They're On Our Side, this is an examination of American policy toward right-wing dictatorships from the 1960s to the end of the Cold War. During the 1920s American leaders developed a policy of supporting authoritarian regimes because they were seen as stable, anti-communist, and capitalist. After 1965, however, American support for these regimes became a contested issue. The Vietnam War served to undercut the logic and rationale of supporting right-wing dictators. By systematically examining U.S. support for right-wing dictatorships in Africa, Africa, Latin America, Europe, and Asia, and bringing together these disparate episodes, this book examines the persistence of older attitudes, the new debates brought about by the Vietnam War, and the efforts to bring about changes and an end to automatic U.S. support for authoritarian regimes.

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Inspired by Machiavelli's classic The Prince, Leslie H. Gelb offers illuminating guidelines on how American power actually works and should be wielded in today's tumultuous world, writing with the perspective of four decades of extraordinary access and influence in government, think tanks, and journalism. He argues that Washington risks losing the essential lifeblood of its national security—its power—unless American leaders relearn the lessons of how to use that power. Contrary to runaway fashion, Gelb argues that the world is not flat, power is not soft, and that we have not entered a post-American era in global affairs. The United States remains far and away the most powerful country in a world where power remains sharply pyramidal. But the U.S. is not the dominant power, and it can't dictate to others.

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