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Kobieta

widziany: 28.12.2018 19:24

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The history of the black struggle for civil rights and political and economic equality in America is tied to the strategies, agendas, and styles of black leaders. Marable examines different models of black leadership and the figures who embody them: integration (Booker T. Washington, Harold Washington), nationalist separatism (Louis Farrakhan), and democratic transformation (W.E.B. Du Bois).
This important work from noted Afro-American intellectual and Columbia University professor Manning Marable examines the "ideology, culture and politics" of black leaders. Marable's "analysis of black leadership in the twentieth century" concentrates on three traditions of black power: the accommodationist perspective characterized by Booker T. Washington, the nationalist-separatist slant advocated by Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam, and the ideology of democratic transformation championed by W.E.B. Du Bois. Black Leadership defines each of these positions, then dissects their flaws. Marable argues, for example, that Washington's political strategy led to the segregationist "Jim Crow" laws. Citing the aura of black separatist nationalism that underlined the Million Man March led by Farrakhan in 1996, Marable notes that "the social philosophy behind its agenda was deeply conservative and pessimistic about the likelihood that whites would ever recognize or respond to blacks' grievances." Other notable figures like Paul Robeson and Chicago's first black mayor, Harold Washington, are discussed, and Marable ultimately posits that black leaders should align themselves with multicultural coalitions: "There is no monochromatic model for democratic social change in a pluralistic society." --Eugene Holley Jr.

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Religion has jumped into the sphere of global and domestic politics in ways that few would have imagined a century ago. Some expected that religion would die as modernity flourished. Instead, it now stares at us almost daily from the front pages of newspapers and television broadcasts. Although it is usually stories about the Christian Right or conservative Islam that grab headlines, there are many religious activists of other political persuasions that are working quietly for social justice. This book examines one segment of this group—those working for equitable treatment for immigrants in the United States. Bringing together thirteen essays by social scientists and one theologian, this book analyzes the different ways in which organized religion provides immigrants with an arena for mobilization, civic participation, and solidarity. Contributors explore topics including how non-Western religious groups such as the Vietnamese Caodai are striving for community recognition and addressing problems such as racism, economic issues, and the politics of diaspora; how interfaith groups organize religious people into immigrant civil rights activists at the U.S.–Mexican border; and how large Catholic groups advocate governmental legislation and policies on behalf of refugees. In an era marked by xenophobia and a new sense of nationalism that equates foreigners with terrorists, non-governmental advocates like those described here are especially crucial in fighting for the well-being of newcomers to this country. This book provides a compelling new look at this new social function of contemporary religion.

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Elections are the single most critical event in democratic governance. They make democracy possible. The elections of 2000 will be among the most contentious and compelling of recent times. The occupant of the White House will change. The composition of members in both the House and Senate may change which party controls either chamber. Key governorships are hotly contested. This book is about these elections from the White House to the State Houses. Who wins and why? What are the salient issues? Winning or losing strategies? What are politics of the races? What is the significance of the outcomes? Crotty and the essayists provide eight original, authoritative accounts of what has taken place and accessible analyses of the dynamics underlying the process. Essayists and their topics include: John Tierney on the political context, M. Margaret Conway on political participation in 2000, Crotty on the presidential primaries, Jerome Mileu on the presidential general election, John Jackson on the Congressional races, and Malcolm Jewell and Sarah Morehouse on key state and local elections.

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A fascinating examination of the history of the Yale Law School and its impact on the development of legal education in the U.S. The entity that became the Yale Law School started life early in the nineteenth century as a proprietary school, operated as a sideline by a couple of New Haven lawyers. The New Haven school affiliated with Yale in the 1820s, but it remained so frail that in 1845 and again in 1869 the University seriously considered closing it down. From these humble origins, the Yale Law School went on to become the most influential of American law schools. In the later nineteenth century the School instigated the multidisciplinary approach to law that has subsequently won nearly universal acceptance. In the 1930s the Yale Law School became the center of the jurisprudential movement known as legal realism, which has ever since shaped American law. In the second half of the twentieth century Yale brought the study of constitutional and international law to prominence, overcoming the emphasis on private law that had dominated American law schools. By the end of the twentieth century, Yale was widely acknowledged as the nation's leading law school. The essays in this collection trace these notable developments. They originated as a lecture series convened to commemorate the tercentenary of Yale University. A distinguished group of scholars assembled to explore the history of the School from the earliest days down to modern times. This volume preserves the highly readable format of the original lectures, supported with full scholarly citations.

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In this book Durrill describes in graphic detail the disintegration, during the Civil War, of Southern plantation society in a North Carolina coastal county. He details struggles among planters, slaves, yeoman farmers, and landless white laborers, as well as a guerrilla war and a clash between two armies that, in the end, destroyed all that remained of the county's social structure. He examines the failure of a planter-yeoman alliance, and discusses how yeoman farmers and landless white laborers allied themselves against planters, but to no avail. He also shows how slaves, when refugeed upcountry, tried unsuccessfully to reestablish their prerogatives--a subsistence, as well as protection from violence--owed them as a minimal condition of their servitude.

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1491 is not so much the story of a year, as of what that year stands for: the long-debated (and often-dismissed) question of what human civilization in the Americas was like before the Europeans crashed the party. The history books most Americans were (and still are) raised on describe the continents before Columbus as a vast, underused territory, sparsely populated by primitives whose cultures would inevitably bow before the advanced technologies of the Europeans. For decades, though, among the archaeologists, anthropologists, paleolinguists, and others whose discoveries Charles C. Mann brings together in 1491, different stories have been emerging. Among the revelations: the first Americans may not have come over the Bering land bridge around 12,000 B.C. but by boat along the Pacific coast 10 or even 20 thousand years earlier; the Americas were a far more urban, more populated, and more technologically advanced region than generally assumed; and the Indians, rather than living in static harmony with nature, radically engineered the landscape across the continents, to the point that even "timeless" natural features like the Amazon rainforest can be seen as products of human intervention.
Mann is well aware that much of the history he relates is necessarily speculative, the product of pot-shard interpretation and precise scientific measurements that often end up being radically revised in later decades. But the most compelling of his eye-opening revisionist stories are among the best-founded: the stories of early American-European contact. To many of those who were there, the earliest encounters felt more like a meeting of equals than one of natural domination. And those who came later and found an emptied landscape that seemed ripe for the taking, Mann argues convincingly, encountered not the natural and unchanging state of the native American, but the evidence of a sudden calamity: the ravages of what was likely the greatest epidemic in human history, the smallpox and other diseases introduced inadvertently by Europeans to a population without immunity, which swept through the Americas faster than the explorers who brought it, and left behind for their discovery a land that held only a shadow of the thriving cultures that it had sustained for centuries before.

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Other cities have histories. Los Angeles has legends.
Midcentury Los Angeles. A city sold to the world as "the white spot of America," a land of sunshine and orange groves, wholesome Midwestern values and Hollywood stars, protected by the world’s most famous police force, the Dragnet-era LAPD. Behind this public image lies a hidden world of "pleasure girls" and crooked cops, ruthless newspaper tycoons, corrupt politicians, and East Coast gangsters on the make. Into this underworld came two men–one L.A.’s most notorious gangster, the other its most famous police chief–each prepared to battle the other for the soul of the city.
Former street thug turned featherweight boxer Mickey Cohen left the ring for the rackets, first as mobster Benjamin "Bugsy" Siegel’s enforcer, then as his protégé. A fastidious dresser and unrepentant killer, the diminutive Cohen was Hollywood’s favorite gangster–and L.A.’s preeminent underworld boss. Frank Sinatra, Robert Mitchum, and Sammy Davis Jr. palled around with him; TV journalist Mike Wallace wanted his stories; evangelist Billy Graham sought his soul.
William H. Parker was the proud son of a pioneering law-enforcement family from the fabled frontier town of Deadwood. As a rookie patrolman in the Roaring Twenties, he discovered that L.A. was ruled by a shadowy "Combination"–a triumvirate of tycoons, politicians, and underworld figures where alliances were shifting, loyalties uncertain, and politics were practiced with shotguns and dynamite. Parker’s life mission became to topple it–and to create a police force that would never answer to elected officials again.
These two men, one morally unflinching, the other unflinchingly immoral, would soon come head-to-head in a struggle to control the city–a struggle that echoes unforgettably through the fiction of Raymond Chandler and movies such as The Big Sleep, Chinatown, and L.A. Confidential.
For more than three decades, from Prohibition through the Watts Riots, the battle between the underworld and the police played out amid the nightclubs of the Sunset Strip and the mansions of Beverly Hills, from the gritty streets of Boyle Heights to the manicured lawns of Brentwood, intersecting in the process with the agendas and ambitions of J. Edgar Hoover, Robert F. Kennedy, and Malcolm X. The outcome of this decades-long entanglement shaped modern American policing–for better and for worse–and helped create the Los Angeles we know today.
A fascinating examination of Los Angeles’s underbelly, the Mob, and America’s most admired–and reviled–police department, L.A. Noir is an enlightening, entertaining, and richly detailed narrative about the city originally known as El Pueblo de Nuestra Se–ora la Reina de los Angeles, "The Town of Our Lady the Queen of the Angels."

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When it was first published in 1998, Wars of the Americas: A Chronology of Armed Conflict in the Western Hemisphere was the only major reference focused exclusively on warfare in all its forms in North, Central, and South America over the past five centuries. Now this acclaimed resource returns in a dramatically expanded new edition.
For its second edition, Wars of the Americas has been doubled in size to two full volumes: the first covers all wars and major battles from the earliest Spanish conquests through the 18th-century colonial rivalries that gripped the hemisphere. The second volume covers covers the American Revolutionary War and all subsequent conflicts up to the present. In addition to exhaustive updating throughout and a deeper focus on the historical context of each conflict, the new edition includes new coverage of the present-day drug cartel wars, international terrorism, and the ever-evolving relationships between the United States and the nations of Latin America.

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Despite exhaustive reports about the September 11th attacks at the World Trade Center, no one report examines the dust that poured from the skies as the buildings collapses in as much personal and technical detail as Lioy offers here. From his own experiences examining and analyzing the dust, to his work with the various agencies involved in the aftermath of the disaster, the author puts together a compelling examination of the dust itself and the agencies, mechanisms, and people in place to deal with it. This completely fresh perspective sheds new light on one of our nation's darkest moments.

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This book looks at criticisms of the journalism profession and evaluates many of the changes in journalism--both positive and negative. In addition, it suggests what the many changes mean for this nation and indeed for the world at large, as American journalism--its methods and standards--has markedly influenced the way many millions overseas receive news and view their world. Based on author William Hachten's 50-year involvement with newspapers and journalism education, The Troubles of Journalism serves as a realistic examination of the profession, and is appropriate for upper-level undergraduate courses in journalism and media criticism.

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In The Trail of Gold and Silver, historian Duane A. Smith details Colorado's mining saga--a story that stretches from the beginning of the gold and silver mining rush in the mid-nineteenth century into the twenty-first century. Gold and silver mining laid the foundation for Colorado's economy, and 1859 marked the beginning of a fever for these precious metals. Mining changed the state and its people forever, affecting settlement, territorial status, statehood, publicity, development, investment, economy, jobs both in and outside the industry, transportation, tourism, advances in mining and smelting technology, and urbanization. Moreover, the first generation of Colorado mining brought a fascinating collection of people and a new era to the region.

Written in a lively manner by one of Colorado's preeminent historians, this book honors the 2009 sesquicentennial of Colorado's gold rush. Smith's narrative will appeal to anybody with an interest in the state's fascinating mining history over the past 150 years.


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This account of the first victory over Japanese ground forces, told at the level of companies, platoons, and even individuals, demonstrates the relationship between air, ground, and surface forces in modern warfare.

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Six studies dealing with basic organizational problems. They examine the antecedents of the Army Ground Forces; problems and decisions regarding their size, internal organization, and armament; and the part played by the Army Ground Forces in the redeployment and reorganizations for the final assault on Japan.

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This history of the WAC is comprehensive and detailed. The author has written it not only from available records but also out of personal experience. She was a WAC staff officer, who, together with all the other Wacs, found herself in a man's army that was somewhat shocked by the advent of a women's corps in its midst. It is usual for both newcomer and old resident to have suspicions of each other, but after the characteristic period of false starts prejudices disappear and confidence is established. So it was with the WAC and the Army. This book stresses the misunderstanding, appropriately enough, since it affected many decisions reached at the policy-making level. The WAC did not always understand the Army—its customs and traditions, its organization and necessary chain of command. The Army did not always understand the WAC — its needs and temperament, and the many other things that man, being the son of woman, should have known but did not, much to his continued embarrassment.

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A continuation of the strategic planning story that describes how the Army came to grips with the problems of the offensive phase of coalition warfare. The midwar international conferences are covered in detail.

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This volume is a study of the evolution of American strategy before and during the first year of American participation in World War II. It is the story of planning by the War Department during that early and significant period in which the foundations of the strategy for the conduct of the war were established. The authors not only present the problems of the Chief of Staff of the U. S. Army and of his principal plans and operations officers, but also emphasize joint and combined problems—the reconciliation of the Army views on strategy with those of the Navy and the integration of American and British views and their adjustment to the military policies of other associated powers, notably the Soviet Union.

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In World War II the War Department, whose primary and traditional mission was to mobilize, train, and equip military forces and direct them in combat, found itself drawn into the center of the gigantic effort to mobilize America's industries for war. It became one of the principal agencies of the Government in administering as well as planning the nation's economic mobilization. This book, by an economist, tells how the War Department operated in performing these tasks.

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