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In contrast to many post-September 11 studies, which seek to satisfy the demand for instant analysis, Little's fascinating book is based on extensive and long-range research into the history of U.S.-Mideastern relations. Informative and well balanced, this work of diplomatic and political history raises provocative questions about that history that shed an intriguing light not only on the events of September 11 but on the past 60 years of American encounters with the Middle East. Little's overarching theme is the complex and sometimes inconsistent attitudes and interests that determined U.S. policy in the region. The author contends that American political activity has been hampered by profound cultural misunderstanding, resulting in unforeseen and unintended negative consequences. In eight invigorating chapters, Clark University historian Little (Malevolent Neutrality) focuses on the implications of oil, the persistence of racial and cultural stereotypes (whether anti-Semitic or anti-Islamic) and the importance of Israel in American foreign policy. After reviewing all the major episodes, he poses the important question of whether wealth and power have provided America with the moral authority necessary to control the Middle East. Little's own assessment is not entirely positive. His text is highly accessible, yet offers serious and careful analysis. At a time when the U.S. is possibly on the verge of a major military intervention in Iraq, this stimulating book is highly recommended.

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With Nixon’s historic reconciliation with China in 1972, Sino-American relations were restored, and China moved from being regarded as America’s most implacable enemy, to a friend and tacit ally. Existing accounts of the rapprochement focus on the shifting balance of power between the US, China and the Soviet Union, but in this book, Goh argues that they cannot adequately explain the timing and policy choices related to Washington’s decisions for reconciliation with Beijing. Instead, she applies a more historically sensitive approach that privileges contending official American constructions of China’s identity and character. This book demonstrates that ideas of reconciliation with China were already being propagated and debated within official circles in the US during the 1960s. It traces the related policy discourse and imagery, and examines their continuities and evolution into the early 1970s that facilitated Nixon’s new policy.

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The second edition of US Foreign Policy after the Cold War provides a comprehensive introduction to the main actors and machinery of American foreign policy. It also offers an assessment of the foreign policy records of the Clinton and the two Bush administrations. It examines how America struggled to find a defining role in the decade after the Cold War and then assesses the revolution in US foreign and security policy brought about as a result of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. It charts the unilateralist trends in the first George W Bush administration and suggests that there may be some changes in foreign policy during the second four years as a result of the experience of going-it-alone on Iraq.The book provides an inside account of the major actors in US foreign policy - the White House, the State Department, Pentagon, intelligence agencies, Congress, media and public opinion. It then considers the priorities of US foreign policy including:· Terrorism · Rogue states· The promotion of democracy · Trade · The Middle East · Europe · AsiaIt also contains an overview of the debate about the direction of US foreign policy within the US and analyses the implications of American power for the rest of the world. This book is essential reading for professionals and academics with interests in the United States, international politics and international relations.
The second edition of US Foreign Policy after the Cold War provides a comprehensive introduction to the main actors and machinery of American foreign policy. It also offers an assessment of the foreign policy records of the Clinton and the two Bush administrations. It examines how America struggled to find a defining role in the decade after the Cold War and then assesses the revolution in US foreign and security policy brought about as a result of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. It charts the unilateralist trends in the first George W Bush administration and suggests that there may be some changes in foreign policy during the second four years as a result of the experience of going-it-alone on Iraq.The book provides an inside account of the major actors in US foreign policy - the White House, the State Department, Pentagon, intelligence agencies, Congress, media and public opinion. It then considers the priorities of US foreign policy including:· Terrorism · Rogue states· The promotion of democracy · Trade · The Middle East · Europe · AsiaIt also contains an overview of the debate about the direction of US foreign policy within the US and analyses the implications of American power for the rest of the world. This book is essential reading for professionals and academics with interests in the United States, international politics and international relations.

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  • 6 sty 16 10:32
Contributing authors: Jane D' Arista, Zdenk Drábek, Barry Eichengreen, Fan Gang, Stephany Griffith-Jones, Jan Kregel, Yonghyup Oh, Yung Chul Park, Barbara Stallings, Jan Joost Teunissen, Wing Thye Woo Editors: Jan Joost Teunissen and Age Akkerman A book that analyses how the ballooning foreign debt problem of the United States and the problem of increasing global economic imbalances are related, how these problems should be addressed and by whom. Contributing authors provide deep insights and practical policy suggestions of what can be done to lessen the vulnerability of developing countries and contribute to a resolution of the US debt and global imbalances problems. According to some of the contributors, the fundamental problem lies in a global monetary system that maintains the US dollar as the key currency.

This allows the US to run high deficits and it prolongs a situation in which capital flows uphill from poor countries to the richest country of the world. They see a reform of the international monetary system that ends the hegemony of the dollar as the best solution. Other contributors observe that as long as both Asia and Europe continue to use positive net exports to support their domestic policy goals, they will continue to finance US deficits. The book devotes considerable attention to Chinas role in the global imbalance problem. It investigates whether there are good reasons for placing so much blame on China, and concludes that the focus on the bilateral balance between China and the United States is exaggerated and misleading.

The growing and staggering foreign debt of the United States is one of the pressing issues of our days. So is the problem of large global economic imbalances. This book analyses how these two problems are related, how they should be addressed and by whom.

In assessing the risks of a dramatic unwinding of US debt and global imbalances, the negative impact on developing countries usually receives little attention. This book is different – it focuses primarily on developing countries.

The contributing authors look at the functioning of the world economic system as a whole and at the policies pursued in both the developed and developing regions of the world. They urge the US to reduce its deficits, and suggest what developing countries and the international community can do to lessen the vulnerability of developing countries and contribute to a resolution of the US debt and global imbalances problems.

According to some of the contributors, the fundamental problem lies in a global monetary system that maintains the US dollar as the key currency. This allows the US to run high deficits and it prolongs a situation in which capital flows “uphill” – from poor countries to the richest country of the world. They see a reform of the international monetary system that ends the hegemony of the dollar as the best solution. Other contributors observe that as long as both Asia and Europe continue to use positive net exports to support their domestic policy goals, they will continue to finance US deficits.

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The US foreign policy stance on Israel-Palestine has shifted considerably in recent years, from a position of 'Israel only' to one which embraces both Israel and Palestine in a call for peace. This volume assesses why the US stance has evolved in the way that it has, concluding that while international factors cannot be overlooked, developments within the United States itself are also crucial. After years of vacillating on Palestinian national aspirations, the majority of Americans, the author notes, have come to favor the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on the West Bank and the Gaza strip.Considering what accounts for changes in US policy on Israel-Palestine, this volume: delivers a thorough assessment of the role of international and domestic factors in shaping US policy in this area; considers how US policy has evolved from the Camp David negotiations of the 1970s up to the occupation of Iraq in the mid 2000s; explores the significance of American public opinion and the pro-Israel and Arab lobbies in the evolution of US policy. "The Arab Lobby and US Foreign Policy" will be of interest to students and scholars of Foreign Policy and Political Science, Current Affairs and American Studies. Khalil M. Marrar is Professor at DePaul University, USA. He has served in editorial positions at the Arab Studies Quarterly and the Association of Arab-American University Graduates.

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  • 6 sty 16 10:32
The Qualities of a Citizen traces the application of U.S. immigration and naturalization law to women from the 1870s to the late 1960s. Like no other book before, it explores how racialized, gendered, and historical anxieties shaped our current understandings of the histories of immigrant women. The book takes us from the first federal immigration restrictions against Asian prostitutes in the 1870s to the immigration "reform" measures of the late 1960s. Throughout this period, topics such as morality, family, marriage, poverty, and nationality structured historical debates over women's immigration and citizenship.
At the border, women immigrants, immigration officials, social service providers, and federal judges argued the grounds on which women would be included within the nation. As interview transcripts and court documents reveal, when, where, and how women were welcomed into the country depended on their racial status, their roles in the family, and their work skills. Gender and race mattered.
The book emphasizes the comparative nature of racial ideologies in which the inclusion of one group often came with the exclusion of another. It explores how U.S. officials insisted on the link between race and gender in understanding America's peculiar brand of nationalism. It also serves as a social history of the law, detailing women's experiences and strategies, successes and failures, to belong to the nation.

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Images That Injure provides an examination of a particular set of pictures that do harm to others, and in turn to all of us. These images--media-promulgated stereotypes of various and diverse groups of people--cause harm in both direct and indirect ways by presenting oversimplified, mostly negative, and often deceptive depictions. In this collection of new and revised essays, noted scholars explore the ways in which these images are created, viewed, and ultimately ingrained into the American culture, examining newspapers, books, films, advertisements, commercials, television shows, magazines, and the Internet. Groups as diverse as African-Americans, women, the elderly, the physically disabled, gays and lesbians, and Jewish Americans are considered here; also included is a special section on post-9/11 stereotyping in the media. These discussions illuminate how each of these media and each of us individually and collectively participate in a sea of meaning that is simultaneously personal and social, unique and shared, linked and independent.

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In a post-Cold War environment, questions about the recipient country's human rights have been central to the debate concerning aid allocation. The United States (US) has included human rights as a major component of its foreign policy agenda beginning with the Marshall Plan and more recently with Plan Colombia designed to combat drug trafficking. Long-term strategic US relationships further demonstrate the battle between human rights and national security with the post-September 11, 2001 environment stressing the importance of strategic allies in the war on terrorism. However, there exists a paradox regarding US foreign assistance: does it really address human rights or is it merely another instrument in the US foreign policy toolbox? This insightful book addresses several key themes and questions revolving around the complex nature of US foreign policy and human rights.

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  • 6 sty 16 10:32
Writing a book on the US current account deficit was a challenge that
neither of us could resist. With the United States absorbing four-fifths of
the world’s cross-border savings, this imbalance is perhaps the biggest issue
in the international economy. In addition, with the funds flowing from
some of the poorest countries to the richest, the global imbalances take on
an extra dimension, as summed up by the view of another author that the
flow is ‘fundamentally perverse’. Subject matter of such significance and
portent could hardly be ignored.
Both of us have been involved with the question of current account
deficits for some time. One of us – a market economist immersed in the
daily ebb and flow of financial markets reacting to and affected by the US
deficit – welcomed the opportunity that the book offered, to sit back and
take a longer-term perspective. The other, an academic, who was involved
in the debates on current account deficits in the Australian context some
fifteen years ago, was glad of the opportunity to see how the literature had
changed over the intervening years and to examine matters from the very
different vantage point of the US economy.
As it turned out, one major difference from the past comes from the sheer
variety of views that US academics and others have put forward to account
for the phenomenon of the US external deficit. One inspiration for the
volume came from the observation of ex-Federal Reserve Vice-Chairman
Roger Ferguson that there had been few attempts to evaluate the full range
of explanations advanced for the US deficit. The first task we had was to
develop an organizing framework to deal with the different hypotheses,
with the aim of producing the most comprehensive account to date of the
various views and how they contribute to the story of the evolution of the
US current account deficit.

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Anthropological iconoclasts Richard and Sally Price have spent the last two decades not only creating an unparalleled oeuvre of scholarship in several areas of anthropology but also unabashedly calling foul on any untenable or patronizing concepts of "us" and "them," "primitive" and "modern," that cross their path. For this pamphlet, they crack the yellowing diaries kept by Melville and Frances Herskovits on their famous 1920s expedition deep into the South American jungle, exposing—with their trademark combination of deadpan wit and theoretical rigor—the origins of the field that has come to be known as African diaspora studies.

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The purpose of this book is to help the reader to better understand American values, expectations, and behaviours in business activities and to help them to develop practical strategies for being successful in working with Americans.
About the Author
Robert Day is an American living in London. He lectures on working and doing business with the Americans at Farnham Castle Centre for International Briefing - widely acknowledged as the world's leading provider of intercultural management training and briefing. It has an unmatched reputation for helping individuals, partners and their families to prepare to live and work effectively anywhere in the world.

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Following the collapse of the USSR, the future shape of Europe and the US role in it became the subject of considerable speculation. Almost simultaneously, China emerged variously as a pariah state, a likely peer-rival to the sole superpower, the USA, and a potential disrupter of international stability and almost instantaneously, Beijing replaced Moscow as the key source of Western insecurity. In this book, Mahmud Ali questions the logic behind this perception, reflected in both popular and academic literature, and highlights an often unacknowledged and largely unknown aspect of the Cold War - that a covert and intimate collaboration between the US ad the PRC took place in the closing decades of the war. In the first part of US-China Cold War Collaboration Ali underscores the dominant themes in post-1990 analyses of reasons behind the demise of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War in relation to the increased US commentary about the potential threats perceived in an emergingChina. In part 2 the author makes extensive use of US, Chinese and Soviet documentation and explores the true nature of the US-PRC relationship with a view to demonstrating the impact of that relationship on the Soviet Union. The final part of the book focuses on one of the most prominent geographical theatres if US-PRC covert collaboration - Soviet occupied Afghanistan - and highlights the extent and depth of secret collusion between the two intelligence services.

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The Bell UH-1 Iroquois is a military helicopter powered by a single, turboshaft engine, with a two-bladed main rotor and tail rotor. The helicopter was developed by Bell Helicopter to meet the United States Army's requirement for a medical evacuation and utility helicopter in 1952, and first flew on 20 October 1956. Ordered into production in March 1960, the UH-1 was the first turbine-powered helicopter to enter production for the United States military, and more than 16,000 have been produced worldwide.[1]

The first combat operation of the UH-1 was in the service of the U.S. Army during the Vietnam War. The original designation of HU-1 led to the helicopter's nickname of Huey.[2] In September 1962, the designation was changed to UH-1, but Huey remained in common use. Approximately 7,000 UH-1 aircraft saw service in Vietnam.

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"According to Caldas and Bankston, efforts to enhance racial mixing in schools have been self-defeating. They contend that the premise of desegregation was that schools could redesign American society; however, they believe this clashed with the goals of parents who were concerned only with benefiting their own children….In their new book, the authors look at a wide range of secondary sources to conclude that school people in the US face a paradox. While minority youth might profit from attending middle-class schools, middle-class parents abandon schools that must desegregate. Since the authors believe that racial desegregation exacerbates the problems schools and communities face, they favor strengthening neighborhood schools….Recommended. General readers, upper-division undergraduates through faculty."
– Choice

"This timely book offers a critical look at school desegregation, guiding readers toward a better understanding of how race, class, and social networks influence educational outcomes. Caldas and Bankston envision an alternative, more realistic, approach to providing equal access to educational opportunities."
(Min Zhou, Professor and Inaugural Chair, Department of Asian American Studies, University of California, Los Angeles)

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This book promises to illuminate the foreign policy of the Roosevelt administration during the rise of Hitler's Germany. It is based on the heretofore unpublished notes of J. F. Montgomery (1878-1954), U.S. ambassador ("Minister") to Hungary before World War II. In Budapest, Montgomery quickly made friends with nearly everyone who mattered in the critical years of Hitler's takeover and preparation for World War II. His circle included Admiral Horthy, the Regent of Hungary, subsequent prime ministers, foreign ministers, members of both houses of parliament, as well as fellow diplomats from all over Europe. In addition, as an avid player of golf and bridge, he had an active social life that was interconnected with a large circle of influential friends in the United States. Minister Montgomery dictated the full content of each and every important political discussion to his secretary shortly after returning to his chancery in Budapest. He assiduously collected, recorded, and organized the information that he gained through these key relationships. His "Conversations" as he called them, represent an unusual depth of politically valuable information in this complex and important period of time. It is also valuable to understand how the U.S. minister representing Franklin Delano Roosevelt at the Budapest outpost came to appreciate and to some degree even share the value system of interwar Hungary. Publishing the confidential "Conversations" of Minister Montgomery, along with a selection of his correspondence, will also shed some unusual light on the perception of Hitler's ascent by the United States, and how this perception was shaped and channeled by one key U.S. diplomat.

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At the height of the Cold War, the United States used foreign police and paramilitary assistance to combat the spread of communist revolution in the developing world. Support to the regime of Ngo Dinh Diem in South Vietnam became the single largest internal security programme during the 1955-1963 period. Yet despite presidential attention and a sustained campaign to transform Diem's police and paramilitary forces into modern, professional forces, the United States failed to achieve its objectives. Using recently declassified government records, this book offers the first full-length assessment of America's struggle to remake Diem's internal security forces into "mirror images" of US police institutions. Operating at the zenith of America's national self-confidence, policymakers in Washington and police advisers on the ground in South East Asia were convinced that exporting US law enforcement techniques and values to Vietnam would help establish that country as a secure, progressive, and pro-Western nation. Analyzing how and why the US campaign in South Vietnam failed, this volume sheds new light on the broader US programme of assistance to 'free world' internal security forces during the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations.

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The 1944 invasion of Saipan was the first two-division amphibious assault conducted by US forces in World War II. Saipan and Tinian had been under Japanese control since 1914 and, heavily colonized, they were considered virtually part of the Empire. The struggle for Saipan and Tinian was characterized by the same bitter fighting that typified the entire Central Pacific campaign. Fighting side-by-side, Army and Marine units witnessed the largest tank battle of the Pacific War, massed Japanese banzai charges, and the horror of hundreds of Japanese civilians committing suicide to avoid capture. In this book Gordon Rottman details the capture of these vital islands that led to the collapse of Prime Minister Tojo’s government.

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At the time of Pearl Harbor, the United States Army still had ten cavalry regiments.The 26th (Filipino Scouts) fought on horseback in the Philippines, while the rest were fought as infantry. Despite this, the cavalry units maintained their own unique traditions, and identity as they saw action in the Pacific and China-Burma-India theatre. This book covers all of the US cavalry units to see action during World War II. It includes the little-covered Texan National Guard regiments, who fought beside ex-Merrill’s Marauders as a deep penetration unit. It also contains color-plates of the uniforms of the US Army’s last mounted cavalry as well as tropical combat dress worn by the dismounted units.

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