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Nikt według Gandhiego nie zna absolutnej prawdy, nie powinien więc używać przemocy, by zmusić innych do zaakceptowania swego zdania.
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This book describes the economic, social and political situation Arthur Ransome saw during his visit to Russia in February and March of 1919. Underlining the description of these events is the wrenching famine in Russia caused by the Civil War. In this work Ransome interviews several prominent members of the Soviet government as well as ordinary citizens of Soviet Russia. While Ransome's support of the Soviet society is evident in his critical but encouraging look at this new government struggling through a civil war, what is not evident is that Arthur Ransome was a British Secret agent working with MI6! (Biography) Nevertheless, in some ways this only increases the historical value of this work; being an apolitical individual in the search for information. Note that the author refers to dates before 1918 in the European, not Russian, sense. Before 1918 Russia used the Julian calendar . After 1918 the Soviet government switched Russia to the Gregorian calendar . Thus, when the author refers to the March revolution, in Russia it was the February revolution; and similarly when he refers to the November revolution, in Russia it was the October revolution.

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Communist persecution has been on the rise in all corners of China for half a century. The worst-suffering victims of this persecution are the Muslims of Eastern Turkestan. The success of any attempt to restore peace and security to the innocent people in China depends on the proper identification of the fundamental causes of oppression and an appropriate struggle against them. As you will also see in this book, the basic reason behind Chinese oppression is the materialist philosophy and communist ideology pervading the state.

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This landmark study of Zengbu, a Cantonese community, is the first comprehensive analysis of a rural Chinese society by foreign anthropologists since the Revolution of 1949. The authors examine the revolutionary experiences of Zengbu's peasant villagers and document the rapid changeover from Maoist to post-Maoist China. In particular, they seek to explain the persistence of the deep structure of Chinese culture through thirty years of revolutionary praxis.

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The Unknown Marx is an incisive critique of the way the West has revised and interpreted Marxist theory. Takahisa Oishi argues that Engels' and Lenin's summaries of Marx's system have now been taken by Western societies to represent the sum total of Marx's philosophy. By returning Marx's original writings, Oishi reveals the essential limitations of Engels' and Lenin's interpretations, and presents a fresh reexamination of the theories of one of the world's most influential political philosophers. By departing from Western and Stalinist approaches to Marxism, Oishi attempts to see Marx's writing in the way Marx saw it. In doing so, Oishi gives unique insight into the essence of what we think we know about Marx, evaluating the systematic forms of interpretation which have emerged along with encroaching capitalism. An insightful, highly controversial interpretation of the grand narratives about Marx.

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"Революция пожирает своих детей" - этот жестокий исторический закон не знает исключений. Поэтому в 1937 году не стоял вопрос "быть или не быть Большому Террору" - решалось лишь, насколько страшным и массовым он будет.
Кого считать меньшим злом - Сталина или оппозицию, рвущуюся к власти? Привела бы победа заговорщиков к отказу от политических расправ? Или ценой безжалостной чистки Сталин остановил репрессии еще более масштабные, кровавые и беспощадные? И где граница между Террором и Антитеррором?
Расследуя трагедию 1937 года, распутывая заскорузлые узлы прошлого, эта книга дает ответы на самые острые, самые "проклятые" и болезненные вопросы нашей истории.

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If now in decline since the tumultuous events of 1989, communism was without doubt the great political movement of the twentieth century--at its peak, more than a third of the world's population lived under communist rule--and it is still a powerful force in many areas of the world, most notably in the People's Republic of China. What is communism? Where did the idea come from and what attracted people to it? Is there a future for communism? This Very Short Introduction considers these questions and more in the search to explore and understand this controversial political force. Explaining the theory behind its ideology, and examining the history and mindset behind its political, economic and social structures, Leslie Holmes considers the evolution of communism from Marx's time, to its practice in the Bolshevik Revolution, to its collapse in 1989-91. Holmes highlights the inner dynamics, crises, and demise of communism as a global system, and introduces the major players in the communist world, including Marx, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao.

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Ludo Martens (born c. 1945/48) is a Belgian historian noted for his work on francophone Africa and the Soviet Union. He is also the chairman of the Workers' Party of Belgium.
In 1968 he founded the group "Alle macht aan de arbeiders" (All Power to the Workers), which in 1979 became the Workers' Party of Belgium.
Martens is a recognised authority on the political history of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where he has lived and travelled extensively.

In 1994, Martens published Another View of Stalin , a history of the Soviet Union under Stalin that challenges in particular the orthodox Western view of collectivisation in the USSR and the Great Purge.
Martens writes primarily in French; however, his books, especially Another View of Stalin, have been translated into Dutch, English, and numerous other languages.

Review:
"Another View of Stalin" is a translation of "Un autre regard sur Staline (French Edition)"
The book is intended to directly confront the standard attacks made against Stalin:forced collectivization, overbearing bureaucracy, extermination of the Old Bolshevik guard, the Great Purge, forced industrialization, collusion between Stalin and Hitler,his incompetency during World War II, etc.We have endeavored to deconstruct many `well-known truths' about Stalin, those that are summarized --- over and over --- in a few lines in newspapers, history books and interviews, and which have more or less become part of our unconscious. Read the book,then you decide.

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"The Red Blitzkrieg" is written by Janusz Magnuski, an established historian and expert in armoured warfare, in collaboration with a young Russian engineer, Maksim Kolomiyetz, and their writings bring to life the dramatic first five weeks of World War II.

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A Biography of No Place is one of the most original and imaginative works of history to emerge in the western literature on the former Soviet Union in the last ten years. Historiographically fearless, Kate Brown writes with elegance and force, turning this history of a lost, but culturally rich borderland into a compelling narrative that serves as a microcosm for understanding nation and state in the Twentieth Century. With compassion and respect for the diverse people who inhabited this margin of territory between Russia and Poland, Kate Brown restores the voices, memories, and humanity of a people lost.
--Lynne Viola, Professor of History, University of Toronto

Samuel Butler and Kate Brown have something in common. Both have written about Erewhon with imagination and flair. I was captivated by the courage and enterprise behind this book. Is there a way to write a history of events that do not make rational sense? Kate Brown asks. She proceeds to give us a stunning answer.
--Modris Eksteins, author of Rites of Spring: The Great War and the Birth of the Modern Age

Kate Brown tells the story of how succeeding regimes transformed a onetime multiethnic borderland into a far more ethnically homogeneous region through their often murderous imperialist and nationalist projects. She writes evocatively of the inhabitants' frequently challenged identities and livelihoods and gives voice to their aspirations and laments, including Poles, Ukrainians, Germans, Jews, and Russians. A Biography of No Place is a provocative meditation on the meanings of periphery and center in the writing of history.
--Mark von Hagen, Professor of History, Columbia University

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The Contra War and the Iran-Contra affair that shook the Reagan presidency were center stage on the U.S. political scene for nearly a decade. According to most observers, the main Contra army, or the Fuerza Democratica Nicaraguense (FDN), was a mercenary force hired by the CIA to oppose the Sandinista socialist revolution.The Real Contra War demonstrates that in reality the vast majority of the FDN's combatants were peasants who had the full support of a mass popular movement consisting of the tough, independent inhabitants of Nicaragua's central highlands. The movement was merely the most recent instance of this peasantry's one-thousand-year history of resistance to those they saw as would-be conquerors.The real Contra War struck root in 1979, even before the Sandinistas took power and, during the next two years, grew swiftly as a reaction both to revolutionary expropriations of small farms and to the physical abuse of all who resisted. Only in 1982 did an offer of American arms persuade these highlanders to forge an alliance with former Guardia anti-Sandinista exiles--those the outside world called Contras. Relying on original documents, interviews with veterans, and other primary sources, Brown contradicts conventional wisdom about the Contras, debunking most of what has been written about the movement's leaders, origins, aims, and foreign support.

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The genesis of Soviet airborne military doctrine occurred during the decade of the 1920s, a period characterized by intense intellectual ferment in Soviet military affairs. That ferment ultimately converged with the movement toward industrialization and the adoption of modern technology to produce, in the early 1930s, a renaissance of military thought within the Soviet Union. A generation of military leaders and thinkers, conditioned by a revolutionary philosophy and participation in the Russian Civil War and Allied intervention and eager to elevate the Soviet Union into a competitive military position with the rest of Europe, gave shape and focus to that renaissance. They were imaginative men, infused with ideological zeal, encouraged by their political leaders to experiment, and willing to learn from the experiences of military leaders abroad. Their efforts produced a sophisticated military doctrine, advanced for its time, and an elaborate, if not unique, military force structure to implement that doctrine.
It is one of the major ironies of history that the work of these men--the Tukhachevskys, the Triandafilovs, the Issersons, and a host of others--would be eclipsed and almost forgotten. Their efforts for the Soviet Union earned for them only sudden death in the brutal purges of the late 1930s. The formidable armed force they had built and the sophisticated thought that had governed use of that force decayed. The brain of the army dulled, and imagination and initiative failed. The military embarrassments of 1939-40 and the debacle of 1941 blinded the world to the true accomplishments of Soviet military science in the 1930s, and an appreciation of those accomplishments never really returned. The military leaders of 1943-45 resurrected the concepts of their illustrious predecessors and competently employed them to achieve victory over Europe's most vaunted military machine. Yet the memories of the Soviets' poor performance in 1941 never faded and have since colored Western attitudes toward Soviet military art. Thus, it is appropriate to recall the realities of Soviet military development unblemished by the images of 1941.

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No one, not even Mikhail Gorbachev, anticipated what was in store when the Soviet Union embarked in the 1980s on a radical course of long- overdue structural reform. The consequences of that momentous decision, which set in motion a transformation eventually affecting the entire postwar world order, are here chronicled from inside a previously forbidden Soviet city, Magnitogorsk. Built under Stalin and championed by him as a showcase of socialism, the city remained closed to Western scrutiny until four years ago, when Stephen Kotkin became the first American to live there in nearly half a century. An uncommonly perceptive observer, a gifted writer, and a first-rate social scientist, Kotkin offers the reader an unsurpassed portrait of daily life in the Gorbachev era.From the formation of "informal" political groups to the start-up of fledgling businesses in the new cooperative sector, from the no- holds-barred investigative reporting of a former Communist party mouthpiece to a freewheeling multicandidate election campaign, the author conveys the texture of contemporary Soviet society in the throes of an upheaval not seen since the 1930s. Magnitogorsk, a planned "garden city" in the Ural Mountains, serves as Kotkin's laboratory for observing the revolutionary changes occurring in the Soviet Union today. Dominated by a self-perpetuating Communist party machine, choked by industrial pollution, and haunted by a suppressed past, this once-proud city now faces an uncertain future, as do the more than one thousand other industrial cities throughout the Soviet Union. Kotkin made his remarkable first visit in 1987 and returned in 1989. On both occasions, steelworkers and schoolteachers, bus drivers and housewives, intellectuals and former victims of oppressionall willingly stepped forward to voice long-suppressed grievances and aspirations. Their words animate this moving narrative, the first to examine the impact and contradictions of perestroika in a single community. Like no other Soviet city, Magnitogorsk provides a window onto the desperate struggle to overcome the heavy burden of Stalin's legacy.

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From German conspiracies along Ontario's borders to monitoring mail between Canadian communists and Moscow, Canada's Enemies explores previously ignored and newly declassified documents from European, American, and Canadian archives.

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The demise of communism in the former Soviet Union and the massive political and economic changes in China are two major transformations of the 20th century. Two central questions are emerging: Why did different communist systems experience different patterns of transition? Why did partial reforms in the Soviet Union and China turn into revolutions? This analytical and empirical study shows that patterns of regime transition in communist states depend on the countries' pre-existing social structures and political and economic institutions. Minxin Pei identifies the rapid mobilization of previously excluded social groups during the reform phase as the most powerful explanation for the revolutionary outcome of initially limited political and economic reforms in the Soviet Union and China. Pei uses comparative data to analyze the different routes of transition to democracy and a market economy in the Soviet Union, China, and, to a lesser extent, other former communist states in Eastern Europe and Asia. The theory is empirically tested in four case studies of changes in China and the Soviet Union - two on the development of the private sector in each country and two on the liberalization of the mass media. The author concludes with statements about regime transition from communism. He rejects the idealistic notion that democratization can, by itself, remove the structural obstacles to economic transformation, and he sees high economic and political costs as unavoidable in transition from communism along either the Soviet or the Chinese path. In comparing Soviet and Chinese transition costs, however, he implicitly endorses the evolutionary changes taking place in China and expresses strong doubt about the revolutionary changes that have occurred in the former Soviet Union.

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