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widziany: 20.12.2012 22:27

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3765 plików
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  • 27 lip 12 13:38
The author, formerly a student in Shanghai and at Southern Illinois University, uses primary sources from Chinese archival materials to provide new information on and analysis of Chinese leader Mao Zedong's behavior during the Cold War. Chen takes further the current literature on Chinese security interests (see Andrew J. Nathan and Robert S. Ross's The Great Wall and the Empty Fortress, LJ 7/97; for Mao's life, see Philip Short's Mao: A Life, LJ 11/15/99, and Ross Terrill's Mao Zedong: A Biography, Stanford Univ., 2000) and presents two important points: First, he argues that Mao made decisions primarily based on his ability to promote "continuous revolution" in China and bolster his own power. And, second, he asserts that Mao used the Chinese people's "victim mentality" (i.e., the feeling that foreign powers were poised to take unfair advantage of China's vulnerabilities) to rally public opinion. The author investigates several case studies, including the rise of the Cold War, America's "loss" of China, the Sino-Soviet alliance, the Korean War, the first and second Indochina War, the Polish-Hungarian crisis, and the Taiwan Strait crisis. We are fortunate to have this book because of the author's analysis and use of sources that are not generally available to non-Chinese. Highly recommended for all academic libraries and public libraries with international relations collections.

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This book is an edited translation of the Soviet Staff study of the Red Army's Belorussian operation in the summer of 1944, which was unprecedented in terms of its scale, scope and strategic consequences. The Soviet Stavka had planned a campaign consisting of a series of massive operations spanning the entire Soviet-German front. Four powerful fronts (army groups) operated under close Stavka (high command) control. Over 1.8 million troops accomplished a feat unique in the history of the Red Army: the defeat and dismemberment of an entire German army group.
This book is a translation of the Soviet General Staff Study No 18, a work originally classified as secret and intended to educate Soviet commanders and staff officers. The operation is presented from the Soviet perspective, in the words of the individuals who planned and orchestrated the plans. A map supplement, including terrain maps, is provided to illustrate the flow of the operation in greater

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Eisenstein's reputation has long been secure as creator of the Soviet cinema's earliest and most enduring classics, and as a pioneer theorist and teacher. Yet the English-speaking world has not kept pace with a rising tide of Eisenstein scholarship further enriched by new publications emerging from the former Soviet Union.
Eisenstein Rediscovered presents the first true East-West symposium on Eisenstein with an unparalleled diversity of views and methodologies. Scholars from ten countries examine the vast legacy he bequeathed, and offer important new perspectives for reinterpreting Russian culture of the Soviet period. They explore how much Eisenstein owed to the Symbolist culture of his youth; how his involvement in theatre has been undervalued; what role he played in both the artistic and philosophical avant-gardes of the '20s; and how both Pushkin and the English Elizabethans shaped his later concept of tragedy. Including two newly discovered texts by Eisenstein which are translated for the first time, this collection makes extensive use of material only recently available. The `new' Eisenstein that emerges is a far more eclectic and engaging figure than is traditionally perceived.

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Stalinism surveys the efforts made in recent years by professional historians, in Russia and the West, to better understand what really went on in the USSR between 1929 and 1953, when the country's affairs were shrouded in secrecy. The opening of the Soviet archives in 1991 has led to a profusion of historical studies, whose strengths and weaknesses are assessed here impartially though not uncritically. While Joseph Stalin now emerges as a less omnipotent figure than he seemed to be at the time, most serious writers accept that the system over which he ruled was despotic and totalitarian. Some nostalgic nationalists in Russia, along with some Western post-modernists, disagree. Their arguments are carefully dissected here. Stalinism was of course much more than state sponsored terror, and so due attention is paid to a wide range of socio-economic and cultural problems. Keep and Litvin applaud the efforts of Soviet citizens to ex dissenting views.

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In this compelling book Stanley G. Payne offers the first comprehensive narrative of Soviet and Communist intervention in the revolution and civil war in Spain. He documents in unprecedented detail Soviet strategies, Comintern activities, and the role of the Communist party in Spain from the early 1930s to the end of the civil war in 1939. Drawing on a very broad range of Soviet and Spanish primary sources, including many only recently available, Payne changes our understanding of Soviet and Communist intentions in Spain, of Stalin's decision to intervene in the Spanish war, of the widely accepted characterization of the conflict as the struggle of fascism against democracy, and of the claim that Spain's war constituted the opening round of World War II. The author arrives at a new view of the Spanish Civil War and concludes not only that the Democratic Republic had many undemocratic components but also that the position of the Communist party was by no means counterrevolutionary.

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This book extends the theme of Raymond Williams's earlier work in literary and cultural analysis. He analyses previous contributions to a Marxist theory of literature from Marx himself to Lukacs, Althusser, and Goldmann, and develops his own approach by outlining a theory of 'cultural materialism' which integrates Marxist theories of language with Marxist theories of literature. Williams moves from a review of the growth of the concepts of literature and idealogy to a redefinition of 'determinism' and 'hegemony'. His incisive discussion of the 'social material process' of cultural activity culminates in a re-examination of the problems of alignment and commitment and of the creative practice in individual authors and wider social groups.

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Is the Soviet Union more ready than other countries to sacrifice human lives in warfare?
This is a key question not only for military strategists but for anyone interested in ethics and value inquiry. Amnon Sella investigates Soviet attitudes toward the military, toward its own prisoners of war and toward the ethos of fighting to the death. Changes in these attitudes from Czarist times to the present are also discussed by the author. He concludes that the Soviets have been less ready to be ruthless and to tolerate massive sacrifices than has been assumed until now. This surprising attitude is rooted more in utilitarian-military logic than it is in any altruistic compassion. This unique and controversial study is the first of its kind to appear in the West, and the first to examine Soviet attitudes toward the value of human life in a scientific and systematic way. Because its discourse is that of the military itself, comparisons can be drawn with the military cultures of many different societies.

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The Soviet Union in World Politics provides an introductory history of Soviet foreign policy and international relations from 1945 to the end of the Cold War and the break up of the USSR. Geoffrey Roberts summarizes historical and political controversies about Soviet foreign policy and brings the most recent research to bear on these debates. The book examines the role of ideology in the Cold War and discusses Stalin's role in the formulation of policy. Using the latest evidence available from the Soviet archives, it offers an excellent framework for the exploration of relevant issues and a guide to further reading and research.

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Stalin and the Soviet Union examines the dictatorship of Stalin and the developments in the Soviet Union between 1924 and 1953. Beginning with a wide survey of the political, social and economic situation before Stalin's rise to power, this book also provides analysis of the nature of the totalitarian state in Russia, assessment of Stalin's rule and legacy, foreign policy during World War Two and discussion of the history and politics of the Cold War.

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This important book argues that the dissident movement between the mid-1960s and the mid-1980s had profound repercussions for Gorbachev's reforms and for the post-Soviet order. It shows how certain ideas crystallized in the dissident milieu, and then went on to influence significantly the debates of the reform and post-Soviet years. In particular it shows how Glasnost, the emphasis on legality, human rights and the state being subject to the rule of law, the idea that Lenin and revolutionary violence were as discreditable as Stalin, and radical Russian nationalism, all had their origins in dissident thought before being adopted by the prevailing administrations.

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"Critical Theories of the State" is a survey of radical perspectives on the modern state. By focusing on Marxist theory and its variations, particularly as applied to advanced industrial societies and contemporary welfare states, Clyde W. Barrow provides an extensive and thorough treatment of the topic. Barrow divides the methodological assumptions and key hypotheses of Marxist, neo-Marxist and post-Marxist theories into five distinct approaches: instrumentalist, structuralist, derivationist, systems-analytic and organisational realist. He categorises the many theorists discussed in the book, including such thinkers as Elmer Altvater, G. William Domhoff, Fred Block, Claus Offe and Theda Skocpol, according to their concepts of the state's relationship to capital and their methodological approach to the state. Based on this survey, Barrow elaborates a compelling typology of radical state theories that indentifies with remarkable clarity points of overlap and divergence among the various theories. Scholars conducting research within the rubric of state theory, political development, and policy history should find "Critical Theories of the State" a valuable review of the literature. Moreover, Barrow's work should make a useful textbook for undergraduate and graduate courses in political science and sociology, and can also be used by those teaching theory courses in international relations, history and political economy.

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An anthology of the writing of Wilfred Burchett, perhaps the greatest journalist and war correspondent Australia has ever produced. He was also one of the most controversial figures of the Cold War, both in Australia and overseas. Burchett published more than 30 books, and this volume brings together extracts from most of these, spanning the entire breadth of his career, from before World War 2, through Hiroshima, Eastern Europe, Korea, Russia, Laos, Cambodia, China, Vietnam, Angola, Rhodesia and other areas from which Burchett reported. The book presents these fields of reportage chronologically, and thus serves not only as a significant historical overview of the period, but also as a reader in Cold War journalism.

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  • 27 lip 12 13:38
This book provides an in-depth study of the Japanese-Soviet neutrality pact, which held between 1941 and 1945 and ended with the USSR's declaration of war against Japan. Slavinsky draws on recently opened Russian archival material to demonstrate that the Soviet Union was passing information about the Allies to Japan during the Second World War. The book contains empirical data not previously available in English.

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  • 27 lip 12 13:38
As social movements waned in the late 70s, the study of Marx seemed to take on a life of its own. Structuralist, post-structuralist, deconstructed Marxes bloomed in journals and seminar rooms across the US and Europe. These Marxes and their interpreters struggled to interpret the world, and sometimes to interpret Marx himself, losing sight at times of his dictum that the challenge is not to interpret the world but to change it. In 1979, Harry Cleaver tossed an incendiary device called Reading Capital Politically into those seminar rooms. Through a close reading of the first chapter, he shows that Das Kapital was written for the workers, not for academics, and that we need to expand our idea of workers to include housewives, students, the unemployed, and other non-waged workers. Reading Capital Politically provides a theoretical and historical bridge between struggles in Europe in the 60s and 70s and, particularly, the Autonomia of Italy to the Zapatistas of the 90s. His introduction provides a brilliant and succinct overview of working class struggles in the century since Capital was published. Cleaver adds a new preface to the AK Press/Anti-Thesis edition.

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This book, based on extensive work in Russian archives, investigates how strategy, organisational rivalry and cultural factors came to shape naval developments in the Soviet Union, up to the invasion of 1941. Focussing on the Baltic Fleet, the author shows how the perceived balance of power in northern Europe came to have a major influence on Soviet naval policy during the 1920s and 1930s. The operational environment of a narrow inland-sea like the Baltic would have required a joint approach to military planning, but the Soviet navy's weak position among the armed services made such an approach hard to attain. The Soviet regime also struggled against the cultural heritage of the tsarist navy and the book described how this was overcome. In a special Appendix dedicated to the purges of 1937-38, surviving [party records from the Baltic Fleet Intelligence Section are used to illustrate the mechanisms of the Great Terror at local level.

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"Writing in elegant prose, Paczkowski makes persuasive comments and judgments about this half century of Poland’s history. The Spring Will Be Ours is a masterly work." —John J. Kulczycki, University of Illinois at Chicago"A must-read for anyone interested in contemporary Polish history, or the development of the historical profession in Poland since 1989." —Michael Bernhard, Penn State UniversityOne can think of countries that traversed the twentieth century free from war, revolution, or social upheaval. Such countries, however, are far outnumbered by those that struggled, often constantly, with severe internal conflicts, fought in bloody wars, or were attacked by their neighbors and deprived of their sovereignty. Poland is one of the more startling examples of a country subjected to a steady stream of trials and tribulations from Hitler’s Nazi Germany through decades of Soviet repression. The Spring Will Be Ours, by one of Poland’s leading historians, is the first book written after the collapse of state socialism in 1989 to tell this dramatic story based on research in newly declassified records.The Spring Will Be Ours focuses on the turbulent half century from the outbreak of World War II in 1939, which started the chain of events that would lead to the communist takeover of Poland, to 1989, when futile attempts to reform the communist system gave way to its total transformation. Paczkowski shows how the communists captured and consolidated power, describes their use of terror and propaganda, and illuminates the changes that took place within the governing elite. He also documents the political opposition to the regime—both inside Poland and abroad—that resulted in upheavals in 1956, 1968, 1970, 1976, and 1980. His narrative makes evident the pressures that the elite felt from above, from Moscow, and from below, from the population and from within the party. The history of Poland and the Poles is of special interest because on numerous occasions in the twentieth century this relatively small country influenced developments on a global scale.First published in Poland in 1995, The Spring Will Be Ours has been translated into several other languages. For this edition, translated by Jane Cave, Paczkowski has added an introductory chapter on Poland’s twenty years of independence prior to 1939 and an extensive postscript exploring the changes that have taken place since the fall of communism in 1989. A bibliography of English-language works, prepared by Padraic Kenney, makes this book an indispensable starting point for anyone seeking to understand the remarkable course of events that brought an independent Poland into the twenty-first century.

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