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widziany: 10.09.2011 15:51

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  • 52 KB
  • 19 sie 11 17:40
Southwestern Indian jewelry has probably become the foremost American craft. It has not only become a monetary investment for millions of Americans but an investment in beauty they can enjoy every minute of the day. We think of it as truly American, and it really is. The squash blossom necklace is composed of three main components all of foreign origins. They are put together in a very unique and original manner. Possibly nowhere else in the world has such a beautiful piece of jewelry been evolved which uniquely belongs to a single people, the Navajo Indians.
The concha belt is another example of the foreign elements of design which the Navajo adopted, changed and developed into a very unique piece of jewelry and a symbol of the Navajo nation. True, there are silver belts made and worn by tribes and people around the world but none so unique or individual and even wearable by almost anyone as is the Navajo concha belt. The bracelets that have been designed and made by the Indians, especially the Navajo but also all the Indians of the Southwest, are again unique creations, indigenous to the Southwest even if some of the original ideas are borrowed. They combine the elements of beautiful white silver and lovely blue turquoise, which to them symbolizes the beautiful Western skies. Nowhere in the world is the sky more deep turquoise blue and the clouds more pure silver white than over the Southwest Indian country. It is no wonder living among this natural beauty that such uniquely beautiful jewelry be developed, made and worn by every Indian man, woman, and child and usually in great profusion. Traditional styles and designs were mostly used in the illustrations of this book. There has been no drastic change in Indian jewelry design during the last fifty years although styles are constantly changing under social and economic pressures.

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Butler Shaffer's scholarly interpretation of the political attitudes and actions most prevalent among America's business leaders in the two critical decades following World War I is uniquely satisfying. The author, a professor of law, reveals himself to be well grounded also in economics, history, and philosophy, as well as possessed of an insider's feel for the political agnosticism of large corporations and industry associations. Given his talents and his apt approach to the subject, Shaffer has made an important contribution to the literature. The 1920s were marked by a political tug-of-war over business policy. On one side were corporate leadersand career politicians, such as Herbert Hooverwho saw in the War Industries Board the precise mechanism they craved to control competition and to force "order" on the economy. On the other side were advocates not of laissez-faire, but of so-called self-regulation. Trade association "codes of ethics," developed by most industries during or after the war, were intended to achieve identical goals through voluntary restraints on competition. The Harding and Coolidge administrations tended to be very receptive to the latter approach. The now-predictable result, of course, was that without enforcement authority, industry leaders spent their energy excoriating the "ten-percenters," who refused to cooperate, or trying to outlaw one example after another of "unfair competition." Almost every imaginable method of competition was attacked during the 1920s.

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John McCain is one of the most familiar, sympathetic, and overexposed figures in American politics, yet his concrete governing philosophy and actual track record have been left curiously unexamined. McCain is a flesh-and-bones political portrait of a man onto whom people are forever projecting their own ideological fantasies, and a psychological key for decoding his allegedly "maverick" actions.

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Deftly blending social and business history with economic analysis, Employing Bureaucracy shows how the American workplace shifted from a market-oriented system to a bureaucratic one over the course of the 20th century. Jacoby explains how an unstable, haphazard employment relationship evolved into one that was more enduring, equitable, and career-oriented. This revised edition presents a new analysis of recent efforts to re-establish a market orientation in the workplace.

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In this provocative book, H. W. Brands confronts the vital question of why an ever-increasing number of Americans do not trust the federal government to improve their lives and to heal major social ills. How is it that government has come to be seen as the source of many of our problems, rather than the potential means of their solution? How has the word liberal become a term of abuse in American political discourse? From the Revolution on, argues Brands, Americans have been chronically skeptical of their government. This book succinctly traces this skepticism, demonstrating that it is only during periods of war that Americans have set aside their distrust and looked to their government to defend them. The Cold War, Brands shows, created an extended--and historically anomalous--period of dependence, thereby allowing for the massive expansion of the American welfare state. Since the 1970s, and the devastating blow dealt to Cold War ideology by America's defeat in Vietnam, Americans have returned to their characteristic distrust of government. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Brands contends, the fate of American liberalism was sealed--and we continue to live with the consequences of its demise.

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This short monograph by a Professor at the National War College, is a great contribution to our understanding of how the interagency process functioned--and didn't function--in the lead-up to the war with Iraq. It is a case study of what the author calls "a major war and a major debacle." The goal of this study, he says, is to "outline how the United States chose to go to war in Iraq, how its decisionmaking process functioned, and what can be done to improve that process."

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For decades, a great number of Americans saw Alger Hiss as an innocent victim of McCarthyism--a distinguished diplomat railroaded by an ambitious Richard Nixon. And even as the case against Hiss grew over time, his dignified demeanor helped create an aura of innocence that outshone the facts in many minds. Now G. Edward White deftly draws together the countless details of Hiss's life--from his upper middle-class childhood in Baltimore and his brilliant success at Harvard to his later career as a self-made martyr to McCarthyism--to paint a fascinating portrait of a man whose life was devoted to perpetuating a lie. White catalogs the evidence that proved Hiss's guilt, from Whittaker Chambers's famous testimony, to copies of State Department documents typed on Hiss's typewriter, to Allen Weinstein's groundbreaking investigation in the 1970s. The author then explores the central conundrums of Hiss's life: Why did this talented lawyer become a Communist and a Soviet spy? Why did he devote so much of his life to an extensive public campaign to deny his espionage? And how, without producing any new evidence, did he convince many people that he was innocent? White offers a compelling analysis of Hiss's behavior in the face of growing evidence of his guilt, revealing how this behavior fit into an ongoing pattern of denial and duplicity in his life. The story of Alger Hiss is in part a reflection of Cold War America--a time of ideological passions, partisan battles, and secret lives. It is also a story that transcends a particular historical era--a story about individuals who choose to engage in espionage for foreign powers and the secret worlds they choose to conceal. In White's skilled hands, the life of Alger Hiss comes to illuminate both of those themes.

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Thirty years ago, the head of the drug company Merck made some remarkably candid comments about his distress that his company's market was limited to sick people. Suggesting he would like Merck to be more like the maker of Wrigley's chewing gum, the CEO said it had long been his dream to make drugs for healthy people, to "sell to everyone." That dream now drives the marketing machinery of the most profitable industry on earth. From award-winning Ray Moynihan,—one of the world's top medical journalists—Selling Sickness reveals how widening the boundaries of illness and lowering the threshold for treatments is creating millions of new patients and billions in new profits. This in turn is driving up personal drug bills and threatening to bankrupt national health systems all over the world. As more and more ordinary life is "medicalized," the industry moves ever closer to being able to "sell to everyone."

From Publishers Weekly
This accessible study about the collusion between medical science and the drug industry emphasizes how drug companies market their products by either redefining problems as diseases (like female sexual dysfunction) or redefining a condition to encompass a greater percentage of the population. Moynihan, a health journalist for the New England Journal of Medicine and the Lancet, and Cassels, a Canadian science writer, note, for instance, that eight of the nine specialists who wrote the 2004 federal guideline on high cholesterol, which substantially increased the number of people in that category, have multiple financial ties to drug manufacturers. Physicians now routinely prescribe cholesterol-lowering pills (statins) that may have perilous side effects, when many people could lower their risk of heart attack with less costly and dangerous steps, such as exercise and improved diet. Through aggressive merchandising, funding of medical conferences and expensive perks, drug companies win doctors over to diagnosing these "diseases" and prescribing drugs for them. Unfortunately for these authors, much of this territory has been covered by several books in the past year, most notably Marcia Angell's The Truth About the Drug Companies

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In 1946, a slim but fact-filled book hit the hobby scene: R.S. Yeoman’s Guide Book of United States Coins. This April, Whitman Publishing will release the 60th Anniversary edition of this beloved, best-selling hobby guide, known everywhere as the “Red Book.” The Red Book prices more than 6,000 coins, with nearly 30,000 individual values. Of course this comprehensive pricing isn’t the only reason collectors have made the Red Book one of the top-selling nonfiction titles in publishing history. A solid foundation and 60 years of numismatic scholarship have built what many collectors call “the Bible of the hobby” –a single resource that teaches a little of everything about American coins; a reference jam-packed with facts and figures that researchers go back to time and time again. More than 700 new full-color photographs, updated mintages and coin values, new auction records, additional pattern pieces, expanded coverage of Civil War tokens, and the latest commemoratives, sets, and other coins. Full color throughout; illustrated; 417 pages, edited by Kenneth Bressett.

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The part played in the Civil War by the small Marine Corps of the United and Confederate States is overshadowed by the confrontations of the great armies. Nevertheless, the coastal and riverine campaigns were of real importance, given the strategic significance of the Federal blockade of southern ports, and of the struggle for the Mississippi River. Marines wearing blue and grey fought in many dramatic actions afloat and ashore – ship-to-ship engagements, cutting-out expeditions, and coastal landings. This book offers a comprehensive summary of all such battles, illustrated with rare early photographs, and meticulously researched color plates detailing the often obscure minutiae of Marine uniforms and equipment.

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A young, beautiful eco-terrorist, the American president's wife is determined to stop the overhunting of whales by the Japanese, the Norwegians, and others, so she embarks on a daring plan to drive a stranded herd of blue whales from the Arctic to the opposite end of the earth—the Antarctic. Her husband, the President, has promised to let the Japanese take the blue whales in exchange for their support in a looming economic crisis. On board a hijacked whaling factory ship, the First Lady defies her husband and—with the help of the ship's captain, a recently reformed whaling pirate—confronts the Japanese fleet and threatens to sink it. This big, bold rescue adventure blends romance with a generous dose of dirty politics.

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Land ownership by individual citizens is a cornerstone of American heritage and a centerpiece of the American dream. Thomas Jefferson called it the key to our success as a democracy. Yet the question of who owns America not only remains unanswered but is central to a fundamental conflict that can pit private property rights advocates against government policymakers and environmentalists. Land use authority Harvey Jacobs has gathered a provocative collection of perspectives from eighteen contributors in the fields of law, history, anthropology, economics, sociology, forestry, and environmental studies. Who Owns America? begins with the popular view of land ownership as seen though the television show Bonanza! It examines public regulation of private land; public land management; the roles culture and ethnic values play in land use; and concludes with Jacobs' title essay. Who Owns America? is a powerful and illuminating exploration of the very certain that makes us Americans. Its broad set of theoretical and historical perspectives will fascinate historians, environmental activists, policy makers, and all who care deeply about the land we share.

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The role of money in the U.S. electoral process has become more and more controversial in recent years. Following the Buckley ruling and other legislation in 1996, candidates and political parties are free to raise virtually unlimited “soft” money, making money perhaps the most significant factor in a campaign’s success. In Moey Rules, Anthony Gierzynski theorizes that, under our current system of financing elections, our political process has tilted too far in favor of political freedom, at the expense of political equality. Gierzynski examines the historical roots of the campaign finance dilemma, demonstrates its effects on the local, state, and national levels, and projects the long-term outcomes for American politics. In Moey Rules, Anthony Gierzynski theorizes that, under our current system of financing elections, our political process has tilted too far in favor of political freedom, at the expense of political equality. Gierzynski examines the historical roots of the campaign finance dilemma, demonstrates its effects on the local, state, and national levels, and projects the long-term outcomes for American politics.

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Following the stranding of a Soviet Whiskey-class submarine in 1981 on the Swedish archipelago, a series of massive submarine intrusions took place within Swedish waters. However, the evidence for these appears to have been manipulated or simply invented. Classified documents and interviews point to covert Western, rather than Soviet activity. This is backed up by former US Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, who stated that Western 'testing' operations were carried out regularly in Swedish waters. Royal Navy submarine captains have also admitted to top-secret operations.
Ola Tunander's revelations make it clear that the United States and Britain ran a 'secret war' in Swedish waters. The number of Swedes perceiving the Soviet Union as a direct threat increased from 5-10 per cent in 1980 to 45 per cent in 1983. This Anglo-American 'secret war' was aimed at exerting political influence over Sweden. It was a risky enterprise, but perhaps the most successful covert operation of the entire Cold War.

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From their limited use in China during World War II, for example, to their often clandestine use in Vietnam ferrying supplies before the war escalated in 1964 and 1965 when their role became more prominent-and public-private military contractors (PMCs) have played made essential contributions to the success and failures of the military and United States. Today, with an emphasis on force restructuring mandated by the Pentagon, the role of PMCs, and their impact on policy-making decisions is at an all time peak. This work analyzes that impact, focusing specifically on PMCs in Iraq since the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003. Isenberg dissects their responsibilities, the friction that exists between contractors and military commanders, problems of protocol and accountability, as well as the problems of regulation and control that PMC companies create for domestic politics.

Isenberg organizes his work thematically, addressing all facets of PMCs in the current conflict from identifying who the most influential companies are and how they got to that point, to the issues that the government, military, and contractors themselves face when they take the field. He also analyzes the problem of command, control, and accountability. It is no secret that PMCs have been the source of consternation and grief to American military commanders in the field. As they work to establish more routine protocols in the field, however, questions are also being raised about the role of the contractors here at home. The domestic political arena is perhaps the most crucial battleground on which the contractors must have success. After all, they make their corporate living off of taxpayer dollars, and as such, calls for regulation have resonated throughout Washington, D.C., growing louder as the profile of PMCs increases during the current conflict.

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yooghurt26

yooghurt26 napisano 4.06.2012 11:51

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