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  • 115 KB
  • 6 mar 13 5:36
To paraphrase the Book of Job, 'the state giveth and the state taketh away'. American government gives its citizens benefits such as Social Security, college scholarships, tax breaks, and licenses. But what do the courts do when it 'taketh away' these boons from individuals who criticize it bitterly or refuse to work on their holy day? The Price of Rights addresses the problem of how the judiciary reacts when a generous polity denies its bounty to people exercising their fundamental rights—an issue frequently ignored in college and law school civil liberties classes. Thus this book will be a valuable supplement for students taking such courses and should interest anyone desirous of safeguarding our Bill of Rights.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
Gary Kilgore North (born 1942) is an economist and publisher who writes on topics including economics, history, and Christian theology.

North argues for the abolition of the fractional-reserve banking system and a return to the gold standard. He also opposes the US Department of Education and Council on Higher Education Accreditation claiming it is a "cartel" and the group has, in part, caused higher education to "become uniformly secular, liberal, and mediocre: raising the cost of entry

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
Why NATO Endures examines military alliances and their role in international relations, developing two themes. The first is that the Atlantic Alliance, also known as NATO, has become something very different from virtually all pre-1939alliances and many contemporary alliances. The members of early alliances frequently feared their allies as much if not more than their enemies, viewing them as temporary accomplices and future rivals. In contrast, NATO members were almost all democracies that encouraged each other to grow stronger. The book's second theme is that NATO, as an alliance of democracies, has developed hidden strengths that have allowed it to endure for roughly 60 years, unlike most otheralliances , which often broke apart within a few years. Democracies can and do disagree with one another, but they do not fear each other. They also need the approval of other democracies as they conduct their foreign policies. These traits constitute built-in, self-healing tendencies, which is why NATO endures.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
They have always been with us. From the glory days of ancient Rome to the high-tech decadence of modern America, from the Protestant Reformation to the Industrial Revolution, from the golden age to the space age, they have always haunted our cities and our consciences. They exist on the fringes, taking meals and shelter when and where they can. They always have. It's just that now there are more of them. As many as three million of these dispossessed souls crowd into tent cities, abandoned warehouses, vermin-infested public shelters, and skid-row back alleys today. So, what can be done? The United Nations has designated 1987 as the International Year of the Homeless to draw attention to this looming crisis and to propose some solutions-more governmental control, centralization of the economy, and the abolition of private property. George Grant has a better idea. In The Dispossessed, he asserts that the solutions to homelessness can be found in the Bible, and he describes what those solutions are in a practical, understandable, compelling style. Very simply, no one has ever written a book on homelessness and social policy like this. Grant is passionate and personal. He is thorough and forthright. He is sensitive and Scriptural. He has done for poverty and social welfare what John Whitehead has done for law and what Francis Schaeffer has done for Christian activism. And best of all, he has given us a literary feast as well.

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  • 112 KB
  • 6 mar 13 5:36
In the middle of the Mississippi Delta lies rural, black-majority Sunflower County. J. Todd Moye examines the social histories of civil rights and white resistance movements in Sunflower, tracing the development of organizing strategies in separate racial communities over four decades. Sunflower County was home to both James Eastland, one of the most powerful reactionaries in the U.S. Senate in the twentieth century, and Fannie Lou Hamer, the freedom-fighting sharecropper who rose to national prominence as head of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. Sunflower was the birthplace of the Citizens' Council, the white South's pre-eminent anti-civil rights organization, but it was also a hotbed of SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) organizing and a fountainhead of freedom culture. Using extensive oral history interviews and archival research, Moye situates the struggle for democracy in Sunflower County within the context of national developments in the civil rights movement. Arguing that the civil rights movement cannot be understood as a national monolith, Moye reframes it as the accumulation of thousands of local movements, each with specific goals and strategies. By continuing the analysis into the 1980s, Let the People Decide pushes the boundaries of conventional periodization, recognizing the full extent of the civil rights movement.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
The massive inflation and oil crisis of the 1970s damaged Jimmy Carter's presidency. In Jimmy Carter's Economy, Carl Biven traces how the Carter administration developed and implemented economic policy amid multiple crises and explores how a combination of factors beyond the administration's control came to dictate a new paradigm of Democratic Party politics. Jimmy Carter inherited a deeply troubled economy. Inflation had been on the rise since the Johnson years, and the oil crisis Carter faced was the second oil price shock of the decade. In addition, a decline in worker productivity and a rise in competition from Germany and Japan compounded the nation's economic problems. The resulting anti-inflation policy that was forced on Carter included controlling public spending, limiting the expansion of the welfare state, and postponing popular tax cuts. Moreover, according to Biven, Carter argued that the ambitious policies of the Great Society were no longer possible in an age of limits and that the Democratic Party must by economic necessity become more centrist.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
"...essential reading for anyone interested in history, the bombing of Hiroshima, education, or American culture...I highly recommend this book." Pacific Reader

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  • 260 KB
  • 6 mar 13 5:36
Jeffrey Richards examines a variety of phenomena connected to the stage, including closet Revolutionary political plays, British drama on American boards, American-authored stage plays, and poetry and fiction by early Republican writers. American theatre is viewed by Richards as a transatlantic hybrid in which British theatrical traditions provide material and templates by which Americans express themselves and their relationship to others. Through intensive analysis of plays, this book confronts matters of political, ethnic, and cultural identity by moving from play text to theatrical context and from historical event to audience demography.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
In this overview of twentieth-century American poetry, Jennifer Ashton explores the complex currents of poetic and intellectual interest linking contemporary poets with their modernist forebears, including Stein, Williams and Pound. She develops important ways to read modernist and postmodernist poetry through their similarities as well as their differences.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
During the nineteenth century American political parties selected their candidates for elective offices in conventions. Around 1910 most states established a system of direct primaries whereby the voters selected their parties' nominees for public office. The current study examines the transition from the indirect to the direct primary, as well as its implications for American politics. It offers a systematic analysis of the convention system in four states (New Jersey, Michigan, Colorado, and California) and the legislative history of the regulation of political parties during the Progressive Era. It argues that the major political parties themselves were chiefly responsible for doing away with the nominating convention. Candidates played a pivotal role in inaugurating the new nominating system as they became more open and aggressive in pursuit of their parties' nominations. The convention system was never designed to withstand the pressures exerted on it by a more competitive nominating process.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
"This detailed book will fit well alongside revisionist accounts of constitutional and legal history. Highly recommended." B.E. Marston, formerly, SUNY Oswego, CHOICE

"This is a relentlessly interesting book, one that canat help but change the way the reader understands twentieth century American constitutional development... Constructing Civil Liberties is simply the most provocative and enlightening book on constitutional history that I have ever read." David Bernstein, American Historical Review

"This is a brilliant interdisciplinary study that should interest scholars in many fields, including cultural studies, history, international law, law and society, and political science. This comprehensive book is rich in historical detail and full of surprises...Kersch forces us to question our underlying assumptions about the real forces that shape historical developments...This extraordinary book is an absolutely first-rate study that meets the highest standards and deserves to be widely read." - Perspectives on Politics, Alison Dundes Renteln, University of Southern California

"Ken Kersch is among a growing coterie of political scientists, specializing in law and courts, who approach their discipline not through statistics, but through historical narrative. His pathbreaking book, whcih is a substantial contribution to political science, legal history, and constitutional theory, demonstrates the importance of this development." - Stephen A. Siegel, DePaul University College of Law

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
The myth of the natural black athlete is widespread, though it’s usually only talked about when a sports commentator or celebrity embarrasses himself by bringing it up in public. Those gaffes are swiftly decried as racist, but apart from their link to the long history of ugly racial stereotypes about black people—especially men—they are also harmful because they obscure very real, hard-fought accomplishments. As Black Men Can’t Shoot demonstrates, such successes on the basketball court don’t just happen because of natural gifts—instead, they grow out of the long, tough, and unpredictable process of becoming a known player.

Scott N. Brooks spent four years coaching summer league basketball in Philadelphia. And what he saw, heard, and felt working with the young black men on his team tells us much about how some kids are able to make the extraordinary journey from the ghetto to the NCAA. To show how good players make the transition to greatness, Brooks tells the story of two young men, Jermaine and Ray, following them through their high school years and chronicling their breakthroughs and frustrations on the court as well as their troubles at home. We witness them negotiating the pitfalls of forging a career and a path out of poverty, we see their triumphs and setbacks, and we hear from the network of people—their families, the neighborhood elders, and Coach Brooks himself—invested in their fates.

Black Men Can’t Shoot
has all the hallmarks of a classic sports book, with a climactic championship game and a suspenseful ending as we wait to find out if Jermaine and Ray will be recruited. Brooks’s moving coming-of-age story counters the belief that basketball only exploits kids and lures them into following empty dreams—and shows us that by playing ball, some of these young black men have already begun their education even before they get to college.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
A sweeping story of the right to privacy as it sped along colonial postal routes, telegraph wires, and today’s fiber-optic cables on a collision course with presidents and programmers, librarians and letter-writers.
"The history of America is the history of the right to privacy," writes Frederick S. Lane in this vivid and penetrating exploration of our most hotly debated constitutional right. From Governor William Bradford opening colonists’ mail bound for England, to President George W. Bush’s expansive domestic wiretapping, the motivations behind government surveillance have changed little despite rapid advances in communications technology. Yet all too often, American citizens have been their own worst enemies when it comes to protecting privacy, compliantly forgoing civil liberties in extreme times of war as well as for everyday consumer conveniences. Each of us now contributes to an ever-evolving electronic dossier of online shopping sprees, photo albums, health records, and political contributions, accessible to almost anyone who cares to look. In a digitized world where data lives forever, Lane urges us to consider whether privacy is even a possibility. How did we arrive at this breaking point?
American Privacy traces the lineage of cultural norms and legal mandates that have swirled around the Fourth Amendment since its adoption. In 1873, the introduction of postcards split American opinion of public propriety. Over a century later, Twitter takes its place on the spectrum of human connection. Between these two nodes, Anthony Comstock waged a moral crusade against obscene literature, George Orwell penned 1984, Joseph McCarthy hunted Communists and "perverts," President Richard Nixon surveilled himself right out of office, and the Supreme Court of the United States issued its most influential legal opinions concerning the right to privacy to date. Captured here, these historic snapshots add up to a lively narration of privacy’s champions and challengers.
Legally, technologically, and historically grounded, American Privacy concludes with a call for Congress to recognize how innovation and infringement go hand-in-hand, and a challenge to citizens to protect privacy before it is lost completely.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
An identification guide to chevrons and service stripes worn by officers and enlisted members of the United States Army from the Revolution to the 1980s. With b/w photographs and illustrations of nearly 640 chevrons, 50 illustrated in colour.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
In pursuit of a more sophisticated and inclusive American history, the contributors to Beyond the Founders propose new directions for the study of the political history of the republic before 1830. In ways formal and informal, symbolic and tactile, this political world encompassed blacks, women, entrepreneurs, and Native Americans, as well as the Adamses, Jeffersons, and Jacksons, all struggling in their own ways to shape the new nation and express their ideas of American democracy.
Taking inspiration from the new cultural and social histories, these political historians show that the early history of the United States was not just the product of a few "founding fathers," but was also marked by widespread and passionate popular involvement; print media more politically potent than that of later eras; and political conflicts and influences that crossed lines of race, gender, and class.

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  • 6 mar 13 5:36
Flappers takes readers back to the time of speakeasies, gangsters, dance bands, and silent film stars, offering a fresh look at the Jazz Age by focusing on the women who came to symbolize it.
Flappers captures the full scope of the hedonistic subculture that made the Roaring Twenties roar, a group that reacted to Prohibition and other attempts to impose a stricter morality on the nation. Topics include the transition from silent films to talkies, the arrival of American Jazz as the country's first truly indigenous musical form, the evolution of the United States from a rural to an urban nation, the fashion and slang of the times, and more. It is an exhilarating portrait of a brief outburst of liberation that would last until the Great Depression came crashing down.

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