The Ironclad was a revolutionary weapon of war, the first modern, armoured, self-propelled warships. During the American Civil War the South used ironclads to protect their ports from the Northern blockade. Impressed with their superior resistance to fire and, the North developed its own rival fleet of ironclads. Eventually the two products of this modern arms race duelled at the battle of Hampton Roads in a clash that would change the face of naval warfare. Fully illustrated with cutting-edge digital artwork, rare photographs and first-person perspective gunsight views, this book allows the reader to discover the revolutionary and radically different designs of the two rival Ironclads - the Merrimac and USS Monitor - through an analysis of each ship's weaponry, ammunition and steerage.

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Osprey - Warrior 138 - Alejandro de Quesada - Roo sevelt's Rough Riders (2009).jpg

This book examines the brief but colorful history of the 1st US Volunteer Cavalry, and details the rich experiences of the men who fought in its ranks. Founded in May 1898 after the outbreak of the Spanish-American War, the unit was composed of volunteers from all walks of American life. Posted to Cuba, it fought in the battles of Las Guasimas, Kettle Hill and San Juan Hill. At this time, Theodore Roosevelt assumed command, and the unit became known as 'Roosevelt's Rough Riders'. Eventually withdrawn, the men returned to a hero's welcome in the US. The last veteran of the unit died in 1975, but a rich body of source material has survived, and much of this is covered in this fascinating work.

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Paul’t Hart, Karen Tindall - Framing the Global Ec onomic Downturn, Crisis Rhetoric and the Politics of Recessions (2009).jpg

USA Books1 - Pault Hart, Karen Tindall - Framing the Global Econom..., Crisis Rhetoric and the Politics of Recessions 2009.jpg

The global economic downturn that followed the collapse of major US financial institutions is no doubt the most significant crisis of our times. Its effects on corporate and governmental balance sheets have been devastating, as have been its impacts on the employment and well being of tens of millions of citizens. It continues to pose major challenges to national policymakers and institutions around the world.

Managing public uncertainty and anxiety is vital in coping with financial crises. This requires not just prompt action but, most of all, persuasive communication by government leaders. At the same time, the very occurrence of such crises raises acute questions about the effectiveness and robustness of current government policies and institutions. With the stakes being so high, defining and interpreting what is going on, how and why it happened, and what ought to be done now become key questions in the political and policy struggles that crises invariably unleash.

In this volume, we study how heads of government, finance ministers and national bank governors in eight countries as well as the EU engage in such ‘framing contests’, and how their attempts to interpret the cascading events of the economic downturn were publicly received. Using systematic content analysis of speeches and media coverage, this volume offers a unique comparative assessment of public leadership in times of crisis.

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Paul’t Hart, Karen Tindall - Framing the Global Ec onomic Downturn, Crisis Rhetoric and the Politics of Recessions (2009).pdf

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Robert Bryce - Gusher of Lies, The Dangerous Delus ions of ''Energy Independence'' (2009).jpg

Everybody is talking about “energy independence.” But is it really achievable—or even desirable? In this controversial, meticulously researched book, Robert Bryce exposes the false promises and political posturing behind the rhetoric. Gusher of Lies explains why the idea of energy independence appeals to voters while also showing that renewable sources like wind and solar cannot meet America’s growing energy demand. Along the way, Bryce exposes the ethanol scam as one of the longest-running robberies ever perpetrated on American taxpayers. In a new foreword to this edition, he shows how energy independence rhetoric was used during the 2008 election, even as the heavily subsidized ethanol business fueled a growing global food crisis.

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Victoria de Grazia - Irresistible Empire, America' s Advance Through Twentieth-Century Europe (2005).jpg

The most significant conquest of the twentieth century may well have been the triumph of American consumer society over Europe's bourgeois civilization. It is this little-understood but world-shaking campaign that unfolds in Irresistible Empire, Victoria de Grazia's brilliant account of how the American standard of living defeated the European way of life and achieved the global cultural hegemony that is both its great strength and its key weakness today.

De Grazia describes how, as America's market empire advanced with confidence through Europe, spreading consumer-oriented capitalism, all alternative strategies fell before it--first the bourgeois lifestyle, then the Third Reich's command consumption, and finally the grand experiment of Soviet-style socialist planning. Tracing the peculiar alliance that arrayed New World salesmanship, statecraft, and standardized goods against the Old World's values of status, craft, and good taste, Victoria de Grazia follows the United States' market-driven imperialism through a vivid series of cross-Atlantic incursions by the great inventions of American consumer society. We see Rotarians from Duluth in the company of the high bourgeoisie of Dresden; working-class spectators in ramshackle French theaters conversing with Garbo and Bogart; Stetson-hatted entrepreneurs from Kansas in the midst of fussy Milanese shoppers; and, against the backdrop of Rome's Spanish Steps and Paris's Opera Comique, Fast Food in a showdown with advocates for Slow Food. Demonstrating the intricacies of America's advance, de Grazia offers an intimate and historical dimension to debates over America's exercise of soft power and the process known as Americanization. She raises provocative questions about the quality of the good life, democracy, and peace that issue from the vaunted victory of mass consumer culture.Oleg Kalugin oversaw the work of American spies, matched wits with the CIA, and became one of the youngest generals in KGB history. Even so, he grew increasingly disillusioned with the Soviet system. In 1990, he went public, exposing the intelligence agency’s shadowy methods. Revised and updated in the light of the KGB’s enduring presence in Russian politics, Spymaster is Kalugin’s impressively illuminating memoir of the final years of the Soviet Union.
This essential guide to ancient warfare describes the fight-ing methods of soldiers in Europe and the Middle East in an age before gunpowder. From a detailed examination of the individual components of an ancient army and their equip-ment, to a fascinating exploration of ancient battle strategies, siege warfare, and naval battles, the book explores the unique tactics required to win battles with the technology available. Featuring specially commissioned color and black-and-white artwork and twenty-four full-color tactical maps, this book shows in great detail the methods by which armies, including Assyrians and Roman forces, prevailed over their foes, and why other armies were less successful. This is a must-read for anyone interested in ancient warfare.

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Victoria de Grazia - Irresistible Empire, America' s Advance Through Twentieth-Century Europe (2005).pdf

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Vanessa Barker - The Politics of Imprisonment, How the Democratic Process Shapes the Way America Pun ishes Offenders (2009).jpg

USA Books1 - Vanessa Barker - The Politics of Imprisonment, How the...rocess Shapes the Way America Punishes Offenders 2009.jpg

The attention devoted to the unprecedented levels of imprisonment in the United States obscure an obvious but understudied aspect of criminal justice: there is no consistent punishment policy across the U.S. It is up to individual states to administer their criminal justice systems, and the differences among them are vast. For example, while some states enforce mandatory minimum sentencing, some even implementing harsh and degrading practices, others rely on community sanctions. What accounts for these differences?
The Politics of Imprisonment seeks to document and explain variation in American penal sanctioning, drawing out the larger lessons for America's overreliance on imprisonment. Grounding her study in a comparison of how California, Washington, and New York each developed distinctive penal regimes in the late 1960s and early 1970s--a critical period in the history of crime control policy and a time of unsettling social change--Vanessa Barker concretely demonstrates that subtle but crucial differences in political institutions, democratic traditions, and social trust shape the way American states punish offenders. Barker argues that the apparent link between public participation, punitiveness, and harsh justice is not universal but dependent upon the varying institutional contexts and patterns of civic engagement within the U.S. and across liberal democracies.
A bracing examination of the relationship between punishment and democracy, The Politics of Imprisonment not only suggests that increased public participation in the political process can support and sustain less coercive penal regimes, but also warns that it is precisely a lack of civic engagement that may underpin mass incarceration in the United States.

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Vanessa Barker - The Politics of Imprisonment, How the Democratic Process Shapes the Way America Pun ishes Offenders (2009).pdf

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Dean Baker - The Conservative Nanny State (2006).jpg

Dean Baker a PhD. Economist and co-director of the Center for Economic Policy and Research (CEPR) provides a brilliant, evidence-based, iconoclastic deconstruction of the myth that liberals like "Big Government" and conservatives favor the "Free Market". He documents the importance of government intervention on behalf of the rich and powerful in most of the important sectors of the economy. Covering such diverse areas as immigration policy, patient (monopoly) law, "Free" trade agreements, bankruptcy law, and Federal Reserve policy, Baker clearly demonstrates how these policies operate in the background (below the radar of public perception) to decidedly advance the class interests of the already powerful.

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Dean Baker - The Conservative Nanny State (2006).pdf

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Hillary Rodham Clinton - Living History (2004).jpg

Hillary Rodham Clinton is known to hundreds of millions of people around the world. Yet few beyond her close friends and family have ever heard her account of her extraordinary journey. She writes with candor, humor and passion about her upbringing in suburban, middle-class America in the 1950s and her transformation from Goldwater Girl to student activist to controversial First Lady. Living History is her revealing memoir of life through the White House years. It is also her chronicle of living history with Bill Clinton, a thirty-year adventure in love and politics that survives personal betrayal, relentless partisan investigations and constant public scrutiny. Hillary Rodham Clinton came of age during a time of tumultuous social and political change in America. Like many women of her generation, she grew up with choices and opportunities unknown to her mother or grandmother. She charted her own course through unexplored terrain - responding to the changing times and her own internal compass - and became an emblem for some and a lightning rod for others. Wife, mother, lawyer, advocate and international icon, she has lived through America's great political wars, from Watergate to Whitewater. The only First Lady to play a major role in shaping domestic legislation, Hillary Rodham Clinton traveled tirelessly around the country to champion health care, expand economic and educational opportunity and promote the needs of children and families, and she crisscrossed the globe on behalf of women's rights, human rights and democracy. She redefined the position of First Lady and helped save the presidency from an unconstitutional, politically motivated impeachment. Intimate, powerful and inspiring, Living History captures the essence of one of the most remarkable women of our time and the challenging process by which she came to define herself and find her own voice - as a woman and as a formidable figure in American politics.

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Joseph W. Koletar - The FBI Career Guide, Inside I nformation on Getting Chosen for and Succeeding in One of the Toughest, Most Prestigious Jobs in the World (2006).jpg

USA Books1 - Joseph W. Koletar - The FBI Career Guide, Inside Info...the Toughest, Most Prestigious Jobs in the World 2006.jpg

In the three years following the September 11th attacks, 150,000 people applied to be Special Agents in the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Only 2,200 got the job. The FBI Career Guide reveals strategies that radically increase the odds of getting hired, and that will prepare agents for a challenging, rewarding career at the Bureau. There may be no one in the world more qualified to help aspiring agents begin and excel at an FBI career than Joe Koletar, a 25-year Bureau veteran whose executive credentials are second to none. This ultimate insider's guide looks at:

* the application process * New Agents Training * field office and foreign assignments * pay, benefits, and career opportunities * educational and career decisions that improve the odds of being hired * how investigations, undercover and SWAT team operations, and specialty assignments work * and much more.

Readers will also learn how the job might affect them and their families, how to plan their career and climb the ladder, and even prepare for life after the Bureau. Above all, they'll find out what it takes to succeed-and how to show they've got it.

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Joseph W. Koletar - The FBI Career Guide, Inside I nformation on Getting Chosen for and Succeeding in One of the Toughest, Most Prestigious Jobs in the World (2006).pdf

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Asgeir Jonsson - Why Iceland, How One of the World 's Smallest Countries Became the Meltdown's Bigges t Casualty (2009).jpg

USA Books1 - Asgeir Jonsson - Why Iceland, How One of the Worlds S... Countries Became the Meltdowns Biggest Casualty 2009.jpg

As late as the mid 1980s, Iceland’s economy revolved around little else than a semi-robust cod-fishing industry. By the end of the century, however, it had transformed itself into a major player in world finance, building an international banking empire worth twelve times its GDP. The tiny island nation of 300,000 was one of the global economy’s great success stories.

And then everything came crashing down.

Why Iceland? is the inside account of one of the economic meltdown’s most fascinating and far-reaching tragedies. As Chief Economist of Kaupthing Bank, the country’s largest bank before the collapse, Ásgeir Jónsson is perfectly suited to examine Iceland’s collapse in painstaking detail. He witnessed behind-the-scenes events firsthand, such as an intriguing meeting in January 2008 when a group of international hedge fund managers gathered in a bar in Reykjavik to discuss Iceland’s economy—an informal affair that eventually became the center of a criminal investigation by the country’s Financial Supervisory Authority.

This inside account examines the pressing issues behind history’s biggest banking collapse:
How did Iceland transform itself from one of Europe’s poorest to one of its wealthiest countries?
What happened to cause the destruction of the nation’s banking industry during a single week of October 2008?
Was it the result of a speculation “attack” by hedge funds on the nation’s currency?

Iceland remains the biggest casualty of the economic downturn, and the ramifications of its catastrophic failure reach deeply into the economies of Europe, the United States, and other global markets. Ásgeir Jónsson offers a unique perspective and an expert’s insight into the rise and fall of this once-proud banking giant.

Why Iceland? provides the who, what, where, and when of Iceland’s demise, serving as a fascinating read and providing the understanding necessary for forecasting when and where the aftershocks will shake up markets in other parts of the world.

"Fearsome Vikings discovered Iceland. Hedge funds knocked it down. It was a humiliating tumble for the former financial powerhouse, which was proud of its status in Europe. A late bloomer, Iceland had been the last country in Europe to be settled, the Nordic nation rapidly caught up with its wealthier relations. It was all fine until October 2008, when country's banking system collapsed in a week. Written by an Icelandic economist, Why Iceland? chronicles the meltdown, in the context of the nation's history."--New York Post

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Asgeir Jonsson - Why Iceland, How One of the World 's Smallest Countries Became the Meltdown's Bigges t Casualty (2009).pdf

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John Fabian Witt - Patriots and Cosmopolitans, Hid den Histories of American Law (2007).jpg

Ranging widely from the founding era to Reconstruction, from the making of the modern state to its post-New Deal limits, John Fabian Witt illuminates the legal and constitutional foundations of American nationhood through the little-known stories of five patriots and critics. He shows how law and constitutionalism have powerfully shaped and been shaped by the experience of nationhood at key moments in American history.Founding Father James Wilson's star-crossed life is testament to the capacity of American nationhood to capture the imagination of those who have lived within its orbit. For South Carolina freedman Elias Hill, the nineteenth-century saga of black citizenship in the United States gave way to a quest for a black nationhood of his own on the West African coast. Greenwich Village radical Crystal Eastman became one of the most articulate critics of American nationhood, advocating world federation and other forms of supranational government and establishing the modern American civil liberties movement. By contrast, the self-conscious patriotism of Dean Roscoe Pound of Harvard Law School and trial lawyer Melvin Belli aimed to stave off what Pound and Belli saw as the dangerous growth of a foreign administrative state.

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John Fabian Witt - Patriots and Cosmopolitans, Hid den Histories of American Law (2007).pdf

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Lawrence Levine - Highbrow, Lowbrow, The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (1990).jpg

In this unusually wide-ranging study, spanning more than a century and covering such diverse forms of expressive culture as Shakespeare, Central Park, symphonies, jazz, art museums, the Marx Brothers, opera, and vaudeville, a leading cultural historian demonstrates how variable and dynamic cultural boundaries have been and how fragile and recent the cultural categories we have learned to accept as natural and eternal are.

For most of the nineteenth century, a wide variety of expressive forms--Shakespearean drama, opera, orchestral music, painting and sculpture, as well as the writings of such authors as Dickens and Longfellow--enjoyed both high cultural status and mass popularity. In the nineteenth century Americans (in addition to whatever specific ethnic, class, and regional cultures they were part of) shared a public culture less hierarchically organized, less fragmented into relatively rigid adjectival groupings than their descendants were to experience. By the twentieth century this cultural eclecticism and openness became increasingly rare. Cultural space was more sharply defined and less flexible than it had been. The theater, once a microcosm of America--housing both the entire spectrum of the population and the complete range of entertainment from tragedy to farce, juggling to ballet, opera to minstrelsy--now fragmented into discrete spaces catering to distinct audiences and separate genres of expressive culture. The same transition occurred in concert halls, opera houses, and museums. A growing chasm between "serious" and "popular," between "high" and "low" culture came to dominate America's expressive arts.

"If there is a tragedy in this development," Levine comments, "it is not only that millions of Americans were now separated from exposure to such creators as Shakespeare, Beethoven, and Verdi, whom they had enjoyed in various formats for much of the nineteenth century, but also that the rigid cultural categories, once they were in place, made it so difficult for so long for so many to understand the value and importance of the popular art forms that were all around them. Too many of those who considered themselves educated and cultured lost for a significant period--and many have still not regained--their ability to discriminate independently, to sort things out for themselves and understand that simply because a form of expressive culture was widely accessible and highly popular it was not therefore necessarily devoid of any redeeming value or artistic merit."

In this innovative historical exploration, Levine not only traces the emergence of such familiar categories as highbrow and lowbrow at the turn of the century, but helps us to understand more clearly both the process of cultural change and the nature of culture in American society.

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Lawrence Levine - Highbrow, Lowbrow, The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (1990).pdf

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Peter Kolchin - Unfree Labor, American Slavery and Russian Serfdom (199O).jpg

Two massive systems of unfree labor arose, a world apart from each other, in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The American enslavement of blacks and the Russian subjection of serfs flourished in different ways and varying degrees until they were legally abolished in the mid-nineteenth century. Historian Peter Kolchin compares and contrasts the two systems over time in this magisterial book, which clarifies the organization, structure, and dynamics of both social entities, highlighting their basic similarities while pointing out important differences discernible only in comparative perspective.

These differences involved both the masters and the bondsmen. The independence and resident mentality of American slaveholders facilitated the emergence of a vigorous crusade to defend slavery from outside attack, whereas an absentee orientation and dependence on the central government rendered serfholders unable successfully to defend serfdom. Russian serfs, who generally lived on larger holdings than American slaves and faced less immediate interference in their everyday lives, found it easier to assert their communal autonomy but showed relatively little solidarity with peasants outside their own villages; American slaves, by contrast, were both more individualistic and more able to identify with all other blacks, both slave and free.

Kolchin has discovered apparently universal features in master-bondsman relations, a central focus of his study, but he also shows their basic differences as he compares slave and serf life and chronicles patterns of resistance. If the masters had the upper hand, the slaves and serfs played major roles in shaping, and setting limits to, their own bondage.

This truly unprecedented comparative work will fascinate historians, sociologists, and all social scientists, particularly those with an interest in comparative history and studies in slavery.

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Peter Kolchin - Unfree Labor, American Slavery and Russian Serfdom (199O).pdf

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Reginald Horsman - Race and Manifest Destiny, The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (1981).jpg

American myths about national character tend to overshadow the historical realities. Mr. Horsman's book is the first study to examine the origins of racialism in America and to show that the belief in white American superiority was firmly ensconced in the nation's ideology by 1850.

The author deftly chronicles the beginnings and growth of an ideology stressing race, basic stock, and attributes in the blood. He traces how this ideology shifted from the more benign views of the Founding Fathers, which embraced ideas of progress and the spread of republican institutions for all. He finds linkages between the new, racialist ideology in America and the rising European ideas of Anglo-Saxon, Teutonic, and scientific ideologies of the early nineteenth century. Most importantly, however, Horsman demonstrates that it was the merging of the Anglo-Saxon rhetoric with the experience of Americans conquering a continent that created a racialist philosophy. Two generations before the "new" immigrants began arriving in the late nineteenth century, Americans, in contact with blacks, Indians, and Mexicans, became vociferous racialists.

In sum, even before the Civil War, Americans had decided that peoples of large parts of this continent were incapable of creating or sharing in efficient, prosperous, democratic governments, and that American Anglo-Saxons could achieve unprecedented prosperity and power by the outward thrust of their racialism and commercial penetration of other lands. The comparatively benevolent view of the Founders of the Republic had turned into the quite malevolent ideology that other peoples could not be "regenerated" through the spread of free institutions.

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Reginald Horsman - Race and Manifest Destiny, The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (1981).pdf

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Rick Ruddell - America Behind Bars, Trends in Impr isonment, 1950-2000 (2004).jpg

Ruddell examines the political, cultural, and social factors that contributed to the growth in incarceration in the United States from 1952 to 2000. Controlling for the influences of economic stress, violent crime, unemployment, direct outlays for assistance, the percentage of population that is black, and the percentage of males aged 15 to 29 years, Ruddell studies the influences of political disaffection, civic disengagement, and social disruption on adult imprisonment trends. The findings provide evidence of the relationships between increases in the use of punishment and cultural or political values. The results also support the proposition that the use of punishment is an inherently complex and political process.

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Rick Ruddell - America Behind Bars, Trends in Impr isonment, 1950-2000 (2004).pdf

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Sheila Rivera - The Assassination of John F. Kenne dy (2004).jpg

A look at the people, events, and controversy involved in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963.

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Sheila Rivera - The Assassination of John F. Kenne dy (2004).pdf

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Rick Shenkman - Just How Stupid Are We, Facing the Truth About the American Voter (2008).jpg

Politicians tell us constantly that they trust the wisdom of "The American People." New York Times best-selling author Rick Shenkman explains why we shouldn't--at least when it comes to politics.
Levees break in New Orleans. Iraq descends into chaos. The housing market teeters on the brink of collapse. Americans of all political stripes are heading into the 2008 election with the sense that something has gone terribly wrong with American politics. But what exactly?
Democrats blame Republicans and Republicans blame Democrats. Greedy corporate executives, rogue journalists, faulty voting machines, irresponsible defense contractors--we blame them, too. The only thing everyone seems to agree on, in fact, is that the American people are entirely blameless.

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