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  • 12 sty 13 4:21
When young Karl E. Lutze arrived in Oklahoma in 1945, he stepped into another world. A newly ordained clergyman born in Wisconsin, he was a young white man assigned to minister among Muskogee's African American community. He soon found that in the South, crosses were as likely to be burned as revered. His recollections of postwar Oklahoma provide a compelling testament to the era's racial conflict and some steps taken toward its resolution. "Awakening to Equality" offers a unique perspective on an often-violent era that witnessed the gradual dismantling of segregation. Serving congregations in Muskogee and Tulsa, Lutze encountered a cross section of both communities - from the white and black power brokers to the most disempowered black and biracial families - and a stratified society buttressed by intimidation, cross burnings, and bombs. His activism in the Urban League and other local civil rights organizations gave him firsthand experience with forces moving toward change, as well as with the more entrenched forces resisting it. Blending personal anecdotes and recollections of key players in this unfolding drama, Lutze puts a human face on historical and journalistic accounts of social change during the crucial early years of the civil rights movement. He takes readers back to small-town and urban Oklahoma in a time when African Americans were beginning to challenge segregation in Muskogee's public transportation and a handful of liberal whites were trying to move their communities toward desegregation. Throughout this rich memoir, we meet actual people creating a future - one that involved the very redefinition of America. More than a view of an earnest young clergyman trying to grow beyond the racial and social limitations of the church of his day, "Awakening to Equality" also depicts the struggles of Lutze's own denomination to overcome its earlier accommodation of racism. Lutze's success in his ministries made his achievements a model for mission work among African Americans and led to his appointment in 1959 first as field secretary and then shortly thereafter as executive director of the Lutheran Human Relations Association, a pioneering civil rights organization. Simultaneously, he taught classes as Associate Professor of Theology at Valparaiso University. Lutze not only witnessed important events but also participated in them and found that his entire career was shaped by the experience. "Awakening to Equality" is a moving story that captures the real-life education of a prominent clergyman during a critical period in American life.

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Why should a particular game, played with a round ball by twenty-year-olds in short pants often hundreds of miles away, mean so much to me, since I seem to have so little to gain or lose by its outcome?" Fred Hobson thus begins "Off the Rim", his narrative of college basketball and society, of growing up and not growing up. He seeks the answer to this question by delving into the particulars of his own experience. Growing up in a small town in the hills of North Carolina where basketball was king, he became a rabid UNC basketball fan (like many others) at the tender age of thirteen during the 1956-1957 Tar Heels "magical" 32-0 national championship season. He starred as a high school basketball player and lived a dream by "walking on" the highly successful 1961-1962 Carolina freshman team. That was also the year Dean Smith was elevated to head coach of the Heels. Hobson observed firsthand the difficult early days of Coach Smith before he became the winningest coach in college basketball. Forced to find a substitute for his beloved sport after not making the varsity his sophomore year, Hobson turned to the romance of books, both reading and writing them. Changing his major to English, he discovered the joys of William Faulkner and Virginia Wolfe, Robert Penn Warren, Flannery O'Connor, and H. L. Mencken, and made a career teaching American literature. This is a book about basketball that is more than a book about basketball. It is, in the beginning, a depiction of a part of the South that departs from the usual idea of Dixie, a look into the culture, religion, and politics of the Carolina hills. It is a portrait of the people who made up the South, including the author's parents, who both were and were not conventional southerners. Finally, in some respects, it is the story of a boyhood that never ends, relived each year during basketball season in the frantic, tortured life of a fan. Although Hobson's story is largely about the Tar Heels - and about other things related to growing up in the South of the 1950s - what he says about basketball, childhood, and adulthood also holds true for those who finds themselves in emotional bondage to Hoosiers or Bulldogs or Ducks, to Wolverines, Gophers, Badgers, and various other species of Upper Midwestern low-lying ground fauna, to Blue Devils or Blue Demons, to Tigers, Wildcats, Cougars, and all other breeds of cat.

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Pulpit and Politics presents the most current and comprehensive examination of the religious beliefs and political behavior at the advent of the new millenium. Based on data gathered during the 2000 presidential election, this study examines the relationship between belief and behavior, theology and politics, religious commitments and social activism from African-American, Baptist, Jewish, mainline Protestant, Roman Catholic and other religious groups. Pulpit and Politics is a treasure trove of historical, comparative, and statistical information about the political behavior of America's clergy.

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"Our Children, Their Children is a landmark in social science research. Offering no simplistic solutions about how to reduce racial disparities that permeate the juvenile justice system, it consistently demonstrates how multidisciplinary analysis can expose and explain the pervasive impact of race on American social institutions. And, perhaps most valuably, it revives belief that in the early twenty-first century, just like a century before, a public policy centered on nurturing rather than punishing children-all children-is the only guarantor of a criminal justice system that is moral and just."--Steven Schlossman, Carnegie Mellon University (Steven Schlossman Steven Schlossman 20050323)

"In this excellent collection of original essays Darnell Hawkins, Kimberly Kempf-Leonard, and a group of distinguished contributors have produced an important book that forces readers to confront racial and ethnic differences in juvenile offending and juvenile justice in the United States. This critical volume expands the discourse on this topic by emphasizing the complex and subtle nature of the problem."--Cathy Spatz Widom, New Jersey Medical School (Cathy Spatz Widom Cathy Spatz Widom )

"This is an outstanding volume that offers a collection of original essays examining the extent of racial and ethnic differences in rates of juvenile offending and in the processing of youths within the juvenile justice system in the United States. The contributors then consider the ramifications of these differences for evaluating the impact of public policy initiatives and legal reforms that have been implemented or proposed over the last several decades."--William H. Feyerherm, Portland State University (William H. Feyerherm William H. Feyerherm )

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He made a name for himself in the Missouri territory as a land speculator, entrepreneur, lawyer, militia officer, politician, and newspaper editor. He went on to take part in many of the events that shaped the young republic, and his name became a household word. But Duff Green has not found his rightful place in history - until now. W. Stephen Belko has written the first full-scale political investigation of this important figure, examining Green's fundamental role in the politics, society, and economy of Jacksonian America. Duff Green emerged on the national stage when he became editor of the United States Telegraph, an organizer of the fledgling Democratic Party, and one of Andrew Jackson's chief advisers. He broke bitterly with Jackson over his feud with Vice President John C. Calhoun, then later found a place as a diplomat in John Tyler's administration and emerged as a key figure in the popularization of Manifest Destiny and the annexation of Texas. Green also played a major role in the transportation revolution as a developer of canal and railroad projects. Belko presents a balanced appraisal of Green's career, particularly from 1815 to 1850, delving into his personality to tease out the motivations for his pursuit of such wideranging ventures. Drawing on a wealth of previously unexploited primary sources, he not only chronicles Green's labyrinthine career but also illuminates Green's rise in the Democratic Party; his role in the creation and development of the Whig Party; and his considerable influence on national debates regarding slavery, nullification, the National Bank, territorial expansion, and foreign relations. For all his influence, Green has until now been either ignored or portrayed as a Calhoun minion and proslavery sectionalist of the Fireater mold. Belko revises these assessments of Green's role in the making of Jacksonian America, showing him to be an independent westerner who was politically moderate - even less fanatical on the slavery issue than many have supposed. Belko's research uncovers a Duff Green who was an aggressive and buoyant person, to be sure, but a democratic man of principle who is rightly called a quintessential Jacksonian. The story of Jacksonian America cannot be fully told without Duff Green. This long-awaited study is a compelling narrative for scholars and aficionados of political or Missouri history, offering a fresh view of his crucial contributions to the antebellum era and shedding new light on the true nature of Jacksonian democracy.

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Frankenfoods, designer babies, Dolly the Sheep and Raelian fantasists: few subjects generate as much controversy and misinformation as biotechnology. This book takes the reader behind the headlines to examine the new laws on genetic-based technologies, who’s making them, and why. Steven P. McGiffen offers a lucid analysis of the real implications of biotechnology legislation in the US and the EU, and contrasts it with approaches to agricultural and medical biotech in the rest of the world. He argues that the EU and America are removing decision-making power from the people and their elected representatives. Biotechnology regulation is a local manifestation of a global process of transferring power: from the people to corporations, from poor countries to rich ones, from the public to the private. He shows that biotechnology demands effective and democratic international decision-making procedures -- and that we are very far from achieving them. Ideal for the general reader, this is an indispensable guide for activists and anyone who wants to know more about how to control biotech regulation and how to resist handing control of our future to corporations.

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Since the 1970s, Americans have witnessed a pyrrhic war on crime, with sobering numbers at once chilling and cautionary. Our imprisoned population has increased five-fold, with a commensurate spike in fiscal costs that many now see as unsupportable into the future. As American society confronts a multitude of new challenges ranging from terrorism to the disappearance of middle-class jobs to global warming, the war on crime may be up for reconsideration for the first time in a generation or more. Relatively low crime rates indicate that the public mood may be swinging toward declaring victory and moving on.

However, to declare that the war is over is dangerous and inaccurate, and After the War on Crime reveals that the impact of this war reaches far beyond statistics; simply moving on is impossible. The war has been most devastating to those affected by increased rates and longer terms of incarceration, but its reach has also reshaped a sweeping range of social institutions, including law enforcement, politics, schooling, healthcare, and social welfare. The war has also profoundly altered conceptions of race and community.

It is time to consider the tasks reconstruction must tackle. To do so requires first a critical assessment of how this war has remade our society, and then creative thinking about how government, foundations, communities, and activists should respond. After the War on Crime accelerates this reassessment with original essays by a diverse, interdisciplinary group of scholars as well as policy professionals and community activists. The volume's immediate goal is to spark a fresh conversation about the war on crime and its consequences; its long-term aspiration is to develop a clear understanding of how we got here and of where we should go.

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With little fanfare and profound effect, "family values" have gone global, and the influence of the Christian Right is increasingly felt internationally. This is the first comprehensive study of the Christian Right's global reach and its impact on international law and politics. Doris Buss and Didi Herman explore tensions, contradictions, victories, and defeats for the Christian Right's global project, particularly in the United Nations. The authors consult Christian Right materials, from pamphlets to novels; conduct interviews with people in the movement; and provide a firsthand account of the World Congress of Families II in 1999, a key event in formulating Christian Right global policy and strategy. The result is a detailed look at a new global player-its campaigns against women's rights, population policy, and gay and lesbian rights; its efforts to build an alliance of orthodox faiths with non-Christians; and the tensions and strains as it seeks to negotiate a role for conservative Christianity in a changing global order. Doris Buss is assistant professor of law at Carleton University in Ottawa. Didi Herman is professor of law at Keele University in the United Kingdom.

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The Fantasy Film provides a clear and compelling overview of this revitalized and explosively popular film genre.
Includes analyses of a wide range of films, from early classics such as The Wizard of Oz and Harvey to Spiderman and Shrek, and blockbuster series such as The Lord of the Rings trilogy and The Harry Potter films
Provides in-depth historical and critical overviews of the genre
Fully illustrated with screen shots from key films

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Faith, hope, and love embody the black theology of liberation, a movement created by African American pastors in the last 1960s who felt that the gospel held a special message of liberation for African Americans and for all oppressed people. Beginning with an interesting personal account a life of service which required "a compassionate intellect and an intellectual compassion." Hopkins asserts that in this post-Civil Rights, post-affirmative action era, all people, regardless of race, must join together in forging a new common wealth. Offering a detailed perspective on a new racial, gender, and economic democracy in the U.S., Hopkins illustrates that a renewed black theology can be a key to personal and racial liberation.

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In the mid-1990s, policymakers in more than half the states and the federal government responded to escalating crime rates and a series of sensationalized crimes by passing laws that imposed lifetime sentences on repeat offenders. Since then, the "Three Strikes and You're Out" movement, which embodies the overall "get tough with crime" approach to criminal sentencing, has generated much controversy. Critics argue that Three Strike laws are disproportionate, costly, and inefficient. Supporters, however, argue that the laws are effective, necessary, and just. Despite the controversy, Three Strike laws are still popular more than a decade after their implementation. Attempts to reduce the scope and/or severity of Three Strike policies have failed and the laws continue to affect thousands of offenders each year. Setting the record straight, Walsh provides a clear, comprehensive overview of the movement and its consequences. Do Three Strikes laws really prevent crime? Do they cost less than releasing repeat offenders time and time again? Are they evenly and fairly applied? These questions and more are answered in these pages through a careful analysis of the costs, benefits, and results of Three Strikes legislation. Walsh analyzes the historical development of the Three Strikes movement in the context of "get tough" sentencing reforms and provides detail about the various Three Strikes statutes adopted across the nation, while offering an in-depth exmamination of the controversies they have produced. Amid efforts to repeal or revise such statutes, the laws still stand, and this book sheds light on the history of, rationale for, and results of one of the most controversial criminal justice movements of our time.

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'A powerful critique of the major beliefs of modern Conservatism.' Bhikhu Parekh, New Statesman / 'The whole book must be read. Indeed, only the final page, like a good detective story, brings with it the full philosophical discovery.' Observer / This is a new edition of a classic work by one of the world’s leading progressive political philosophers. Ted Honderich examines ideology and reality in British and American politics in order to establish the true distinctions of conservatism. Conservatives often claim to believe in reform, but not change, to rely on instinct rather than abstract theories. So what is the conservative rationale? Does conservatism have a philosophical founding principle that unifies it? Ted Honderich’s search for the fundamental principle of conservatism is an enlightening one. He examines influential thinkers in the conservative tradition, from Edmund Burke and Adam Smith to Michael Oakeshott and Robert Nozick. He brings rigorous analytic philosophy to bear on the Republican party in the United States, and the Conservative party and the New Labour party in Britain. This lucid book, written with wit and clarity, is fully revised and updated in order to give a rigorous and complete analysis of conservatism up to the American election of 2004. Honderich’s subtle analysis is not without surprises: the book will continue to be of interest to all students of politics, and anyone who wants a broader understanding of what today’s politicians owe to the conservative tradition.

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Originally published in 1972, this pioneering book has become a classic in visual anthropology. Worth and Adair set out to answer the question, What would happen if someone from a culture that makes and uses motion pictures taught people who have never made or used motion pictures to do so for the first time? They taught filmmaking and editing to a group of six Navajos in Pinetree, Arizona. This book explains what happened, what they and the Navajos said and thought about what happened, and how they analyzed the films in a cultural context. The films, still available for rent, are described in detail and illustrated with still photographs.
Richard Chalfen, a research assistant on the original project in 1966, has updated the book with a thorough discussion of the importance of the Navajo project and a critical assessment of the reactions to it.

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Scourfield McLauchlan studies how Members of Congress participate in cases before the Supreme Court. Members have filed amicus curiae briefs every Term since 1977. The frequency of Congressional participation before the Court continues to rise, and it is now a fixture in Supreme Court litigation. McLauchlan examines how often Members of Congress participate as "friend of the court," what types of cases attract Congressional attention, what motivates Congressmen to file amicus briefs, and whether Congressional "friends of the court" influence Supreme Court decision-making. She explores the implications of this trend for the principles of separation of powers and judicial independence.

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Vargas-Reighley examines the relationship among bicultural competence, stress and coping processes, adaptive processes, and academic resilience. Participants were Latina/o and Southeast Asian youth from two high schools in California. The Latina/o group was more likely to experience greater family stress, including greater parental marital dysfunction, more severe stressors, and greater stress ratings. The Southeast Asians were more likely to be of lower socioeconomic status, but more likely to show higher academic goals and achievement. Results indicate that bicultural competence was related to greater self-esteem, social support coping and coping efficacy in the familial stressful situation, and direct action coping and coping efficacy in the academic stressful situation. Bicultural competence does appear to be related to adaptive outcomes.

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Born a slave in Maryland, Frederick Douglass became one of the best orators and statesmen in America. He worked as a houseboy and a field hand, experiencing some of the harshest conditions of any slave. Although it was unlawful to teach slaves how to read, Douglass learned from neighborhood boys and paid them with food. Seven years after he escaped slavery and moved North, Douglass published the first of his three autobiographies, "Narrative of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave". Douglass became a newspaper editor, a political activist, and a representative and spokesperson for the rights of African Americans. He believed in equal rights for all people, whether black, white, woman, man, Native American, or recent immigrant. He lived through the Civil War, the end of slavery, and the beginning of segregation.

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