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Many people want to tighten federal regulations governing the government-sponsored enterprises (GSEs)—Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and the Federal Home Loan Banks. But better regulations will not do much to reduce the real risks that the GSEs create for U.S. taxpayers and the economy, and aren’t likely to have real force. Fannie and Freddie are the most politically powerful companies in America. The S&L debacle of the late 1980s showed that politically powerful organizations can intimidate regulators and stave off tough regulation. Under these circumstances, privatization—the elimination of government backing—is the only viable way to protect the taxpayers and the economy against the consequences of major financial difficulties at one or more of the GSEs.
Opponents of privatization believe that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac would be even more powerful as privatized entities. Fannie and Freddie would be able to obtain better financing than their competitors, according to this line of thinking. Concerns have also been raised about whether the privatization of Fannie and Freddie would disrupt the residential finance market or raise mortgage rates for home buyers.
The plans in this book together address these concerns. Thomas H. Stanton demonstrates that it is possible to cut the ties between the government and the GSEs—and to create a fully competitive private mortgage market—without disrupting the current system of residential mortgage finance. Financial consultant Bert Ely shows that it would be possible to obtain lower mortgage rates than currently offered by Fannie and Freddie, without any government involvement. The book presents a complete legislative proposal to enact these plans, along with a detailed section-by-section analysis of the bill.

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Paul Johnson, whose previous works include the distinguished Modern Times and A History of the Jews, has produced an epic that spans the history of the American people over the past 400 years. The prolific narrative covers every aspect of U.S. history, from science, customs, religion, and politics to the individual men and women who have helped shape the nation. His detailed, provocative examinations of political and social icons, from Lyndon Johnson to Norman Rockwell, are especially strong. Johnson's text is intelligent and rich with detail, and yet extremely accessible for anyone interested in a reinterpretive analysis of America's past.

What makes this book unique is Johnson's approach to this self-professed Herculean task. The prevalent tone throughout is optimism. Whether he's discussing race relations, industrialization, the history of women, immigrants, Vietnam, or political correctness, Johnson--a staunch conservative who was born, bred, and educated in England--is openly enamored with America's past, particularly the hardships and tribulations that the nation has had to overcome. He sees this story as a series of important lessons, not just for Americans but for the whole of mankind as well. At a time when other contemporary scholars find it easier to bemoan the past, Johnson offers the reader "a compelling antidote to those who regard the future with pessimism." --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

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This book is not for the timid and those whose politically correct phony sensitive balloons would burst by the accounts in this book. Mr. Colby wrote a good introduction as to the realities of FDR & co. manipulating public opinion and diplomacy to curry favor with the the Soviets and to commit genocide against the Geman civilians during World War II.
Benjamin Colby introduces the reader to FDR's secret war against the Germans in 1940 using U.S. Navy to assist British forces against the German Navy while FDR promised peace and that "American boys would not die in foreign wars." Colby is clear that the media folks catered to his treachery and "pie in the sky" slogans.
Colby also compares and contrasts FDR's Churhill's pious comments contained in the Atlantic Charter while secretly arranging to save the Soviets and encourage Stalin's territorial ambitions in Eastern Europe. Colby also cites chapter-and-verse the amount of secret aid given to the Soviets which was not known by the American people.
There are interesting sections Colby mentions re FDR's pleading with Stalin & co. to at least make some proclamation that Soviet authorities proclaim freedom of religion. The final public pronouncement was so vague as to provoke amusement among those who knew the actual Soviet condtions re freedom of religion.
Colby' book gives a good account of FDR's policy makers and U.S. news executives whitewashing Soviet atrocities during the war. Of particular interest is Colby's account over the Soviet murder at the Katyn Forest in the Smolensk region of Poland in 1939. This atrocity was originally blamed on the Germans, but the realities soon became clear. Red Cross officials and German authorities promised a full investigation of the masscre, but Soviet authorities refused to permit such investigations. In fact, the Soviets used the incident to sever diplomatic relations with the Polish Government in Exile which made Soviet dominence easier in Poland. All the Soviets had to do was create a Polish puppet government and purge Polish non-communists.
The Teheran and Yalta Conferences are well reported in this book. The secret concessions given to Stalin and the Soveits were never revealed until after World War II which, when revealed, led to a useless Cold War. Basically these conferences insured that several million innocent civilians would be brutalized and enslaved once the war was over. What is ironic is that those who preached fire an brimstone against the Germans during World War II were the same men who whined about Soviet dominence in Eastern and Central Euroepe. These were the same men who smeared those who gave similiar warnings before and during World War II.

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Colby's examination of U.S. press barons is interesting. Freedom of the Press was openly violated by journalistic lying and official and unofficial censorship. Cyrus McCormick was literally forced out of THE CHICAGO TRIBUNE Office for no other reason than he opposed FDR's New Deal and foreign policy. Colby has a good commentary of The War Writers' Board whose officials hired cheap fiction writers in an attempt to refute historians and experts on diplomacy. Their efforts to inflame racial and ethnic hatred toward innocent Germans did not abate after the war, and they tried to inflame public well into the early years of the Cold War. Colby is clear that these hate mongers lost their credibility when the realities of the Cold War became clear, and the "Hate Germans" campaigned looked rediculous.
Post War treatment of innocent Germans verged on the most savage treatment since Genghis and Kublai Khan. The Morgenthal Plan was supposed to starve the Germans into extinction. Colby presents views of some "experts" who argued in favor of efforts to breed the Germans out of existence. An interesting anecdote was Anti-Fraternization effort imposed on U.S. soldiers who refused to obey such orders, and efforts to enforce this insanity failed.
Colby also refutes claims that U.S. bombing was based on precision. He gives a brief description of the saturation fire bombing of Dresden in 1945. Some fighter pilots masscred a boys choir during this tragedy. Note should be taken that the Soviets and East German Communists exploited this bombing in their propaganda vs. the West. Dresdeon was just one incident in "allied" bombing of civilians.
Colby refutes the myths of "allied" righteousness re World War II. He gives readers a short but reasonable account of the actualities of World War II. The only criticism this book is that Colby could have expanded this book by examining FDR's policy vs. the Japanese. This would have made the book more comprehensive and given the reader a more thorough view of the actual realities of World War II.
Yet,this is still a solid book. Colby has exhaustive footnotes at the end of the book which gives readers sources and books to confirm his own book. Colby's book is well researched and well written. Companion books are Chamberlain's AMERICA'S SECOND CRUSADE, Veale's ADVANCE TO BARBARISM, and James J. Matin's REVISIONIST VIEWPOINTS. An even more comprehenisve book is Barnes's PERPETUAL WAR FOR PERPETUAL PEACE. This reviewer strongly recommends this book.

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From Yakima, Washington, to the Chicago Symphony Orchestra, Donald Peck's journey as a flutist has been extraordinary. Here, Peck offers an insider's view of the inner workings of one of the most prestigious orchestras in the country. Peck, like many artists, did not select his path voluntarily, but rather let fate lead him to a career in music. In 1957, he secured a seat with the orchestra as a flutist. Beginning in 1958, Peck garnered the title of principal which he kept until his retirement in 1999.

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The book details wartime accounts of average servicemen and women-some heroic, some frightening, some amusing, some nearly unbelievable. The work is a historical compendium of fascinating and compelling stories woven together in a theme format. What makes this book truly unique, however, is its absence of literary pretentiousness. Relating oral accounts, the veterans speak in a no-nonsense, matter-of-fact way. As seen through the eyes of the veterans, the stories include first-person experiences of infantry soldiers, a flight officer, a medic, a nurse, a combat engineer, an intelligence soldier, and various support personnel. Personalities emerge gradually as the veterans discuss their pre war days, their training and preparation for Vietnam, and their actual in-country experiences. The stories speak of fear and survival: the paranoia of not knowing who or where the enemy was; the bullets, rockets, and mortars that could mangle a body or snuff out a life in an instant; and going home with a CMH--not the Congressional Medal of Honor, but a Casket with Metal Handles. The veterans also speak of friendships and simple acts of kindness. But more importantly, they speak of healing-both physical and mental.

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In the course of the author's tour of duty in the Navy Department, he was called on frequently to prepare answers to letters requesting information about the Navy. These letters came from all parts and all classes. The widespread interest indicated in this manner, coupled with the absence of a book of general information regarding the Navy designed for general reading, induced him to undertake the preparation of this book. It is intended primarily for the information of persons having some interest in naval affairs but it is not technical. Only subjects of possible general interest have been discussed, and those only so far as they seemed to supply interest.
There is at all times a demand on the press for news of the Navy's doings. The author frequently has had the privilege of furnishing information and data to newspapermen for use in their paragraphs and has in this way also felt the need for a simple manual or handbook on the Navy.
Another inducement for the preparation of the book was the fact that the Navy's enlisted men are drawn almost entirely from inland states; many of them previous to their enlistment never saw the ocean. The friends and relatives of these men have had no ready means of satisfying a natural desire to be informed as to the Navy.
Henry Williams, October, 1911.

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From The Washington Post's Book World/washingtonpost.com Reviewed by Michael Kazin Who does Simon Schama think he is? The Columbia University historian seems to have few intellectual limits and to require little sleep. He has written path-breaking books about Dutch history and culture; the Rothschilds and the creation of Israel; sprawling narratives about the Revolution in France and slavery during the Revolution in America; a thick study of Rembrandt; a postmodern historical novel; dozens of provocative essays about art; and multi-part television documentaries about the history of Britain and the work of great artists, both of which attracted millions of viewers and, inevitably, hundreds of scholarly critics. Now Schama has chosen to examine the meaning of America's entire past and to suggest why it has culminated, quite happily in his view, in the election of Barack Obama. I suspect that historians on campuses across the nation are guiltily hoping that this time, Schama's reach has finally exceeded his grasp. They will be disappointed -- but only in part. As a literary endeavor, "The American Future" does live up to the author's lofty standards. Schama is, among other things, a nimble biographer. And in this book he tells four big, interlocking stories -- about war, religion, immigration and economic growth -- largely through the dramatic lives of individuals whose names will be familiar mainly to specialists. In Montgomery Meigs, he finds an exemplar of the soldier as engineer of grand purposes. While a young army officer in the 1850s, Meigs designed the aqueduct that supplied Washington, D.C., with free, clean water. Then, as quartermaster general during the Civil War, he helped ensure the Union victory by keeping the blue-clad troops supplied with mules, food, soap and dry underwear -- humble, necessary goods that their Confederate enemies often lacked. He also made the decision to establish a military cemetery on the grounds of Robert E. Lee's estate in Arlington, so that the soil of the treasonous general would be, as Schama writes, "purified with the bones of the blessed dead," among whom was Meigs's oldest son. To illustrate how American religion has often been a liberating faith, Schama introduces a former slave-turned-evangelist named Jarena Lee, whose sermons converted thousands of people to Methodism during the early years of the 19th century. "On and on went the inexhaustible road warrior," Schama writes, "exhorting in field and forest, in camp revivals and Love Feasts, comforting the dying" in the New York City cholera epidemic of 1831, "an authentic American phenomenon, preaching to overflowing congregations, the first, in her way, of the great black orators." Throughout the book, Schama counterposes such uplifting tales with deplorable ones. Meigs, the abolitionist in uniform, is balanced by Andrew Jackson, the military hero who, as president, ordered the U.S. Army to drive the Cherokees off their lands in Georgia.

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The stone bridge on the southern flank of the Antietam battlefield became one of the Civil War?s most powerful symbols of courage and sacrifice. Union general Ambrose Burnside might have outflanked Robert E. Lee?s army if his charge across the bridge had been successful. The Union attack was stalled for several crucial hours by a small number of Georgia riflemen, who themselves sustained heavy casualties. The actions, units and personalities of this crucial sector of the battlefield are described in detail, accompanied by a full description of the bridge area as it was in 1862 and as it is today.

About the Author
John Cannan has established a reputation amongh civil War writers in remarkably short time. His distinctions include three books selected by the Military Book Club. He is the author of The Atlanta Campaign, The Wilderness Campaign, and The Spotsylvania Campaign. He is an historic preservation attorney living in Baltimore.

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The author draws parallels between the history of the Roman Republic and that of the American Republic. He notes that the Roman Republic began as a revolt against a foreign king and that the leaders created institutions intended to protect their new liberties but he also notes that after some 480 years, these institutions collapsed under the weight of empire, ushering in the dictatorship of the emperor. Indeed, it is clearly concern about the connection between empire and the loss of republican institutions that animates the book, as becomes even clearer when the author takes up examination of the evolution of the American empire. --Book News, Inc.

Most discussions of the American empire have sought to draw parallels between the US and the British or other modern European empires. If classical models are referred to, this tends to be the Roman Empire. In this enterprising book, Pearson suggests that the true parallel for the US is not the Roman Empire, but the Roman Republic.
The US is, after all, a republic, and the founding fathers were steeped in classical republican ideas. What gripped them in the Roman case was the slide from Republic to Empire, and the fear that that could happen with the US, too. Pearson traces in detail the story of Rome s transformation into an empire. He suggests that there are worrying parallels in the US today, with the erosion of many liberties in the course of the fight against terrorism. The general pint is not new, of course, but Pearson comes at it from an unusual and suggestive angle. This is not a scholarly book, but it is agreeably written and adds usefully to current debates about the condition of the US. Summing up:

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This book revolves around one central question: Do political dynamics have a systematic and predictable influence on distributional outcomes in the United States? The answer is a resounding yes. Utilizing data from mass income surveys, elite surveys, and aggregate time series, as well as theoretical insights from both American and comparative politics, Kelly shows that income inequality is a fundamental part of the U.S. macro political system. Shifts in public opinion, party control of government, and the ideological direction of policy all have important consequences for distributional outcomes. Specifically, shifts to the left produce reductions in inequality through two mechanisms - explicit redistribution and market conditioning. While many previous studies focus only on the distributional impact of redistribution, this book shows that such a narrow strategy is misguided. In fact, market mechanisms matter far more than traditional redistribution in translating macro political shifts into distributional outcomes.

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The Thompson submachine gun, or Tommy gun developed an almost iconic status during the 20th century. It had an unusual beginning, for it was developed during the dying days of World War I as a ‘one-man, hand-held machine gun.’ The war ended before these first prototypes could be shipped to Europe but once the M1921 Thompson formally entered production it was used by the criminals working in Chicago and New York during the 1920s. With the police increasingly outgunned they too were forced to equip themselves with the Tommy gun. It quickly came to be used in Hollywood films, and by the end of the 1930s it would have probably faded from view had history not intervened. With the entry of the US into World War II there was an urgent need to equip and arm a force of epic proportions; the Thompson submachine gun began a second career as part of the US Army. It also became the weapon of choice for the small band of British commandos as they conducted a number of daring raids against the heart of occupied Europe.

Contents:
Introduction
Development
Use
Impact
Conclusion

Martin Pegler
Martin Pegler has a BA Hons in Medieval and Modern History and an MA in Museum Studies, both from University College, London, and was for many years the Senior Curator of Firearms at the Royal Armouries Museum, Leeds. He now lives in the Somme, France, where he and his wife run a small bed and breakfast, which is situated on top of the old German front line! Martin has established The Somme Historical Centre (www.martinpegler.com), where visitors can see the technology used in the 1914-18 trench warfare. Martin enjoys shooting historic firearms, and has participated in many shooting competitions. He is currently an author and firearms consultant and he also lectures at local Great War museums. In his spare time Martin runs motorcycle tours of the battlefield. He is the author of a number of books including 'The Military Sniper since 1914' (Osprey, 2001), 'Firearms in the American West 1700-1900' (The Crowood Press, 2002), and the highly acclaimed ‘Out of Nowhere: A History of the Military Sniper’ (Osprey, 2004), and he has also contributed to a number of magazines. In the 1980s he had the privilege of interviewing many World War I veterans about their wartime experiences, and the recordings are now part of the sound archives of the Imperial War Museum, London

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The Browning “50-cal” has become the longest serving weapon in the US inventory. The “fifty” has been employed in every imaginable role for a machine gun. It is considered such an effective and reliable weapon that few countries ever attempted to develop an equivalent weapon. Even the Japanese created a copy of it during World War II when the US was producing literally thousands every month to use in every theater. This is a history of the development of this famous weapon, its most critical operational use and the variants that have been produced to keep it at the forefront of the action.

Contents:
Introduction
Development
Use
Impact
Conclusion

Gordon L Rottman
Gordon L Rottman entered the US Army in 1967, volunteered for Special Forces and completed training as a weapons specialist. He served in the 5th Special Forces Group in Vietnam in 1969–70 and subsequently in airborne infantry, long-range patrol and intelligence assignments until retiring after 26 years. He was a Special Operations Forces scenario writer at the Joint Readiness Training Center for 12 years and is now a freelance writer, living in Texas.

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In times of crisis, communities and members of organizations expect their leaders to minimize the impact of the crisis at hand, while critics and bureaucratic competitors try to seize the moment to blame incumbent rulers and their policies. In this extreme environment, policy makers must somehow establish a sense of normality, and foster collective learning from the crisis experience. This uniquely comprehensive analysis examines how leaders deal with the strategic challenges and political risks they face. It is based on over a decade of collaborative, cross-national research.

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George Washington wrote an astonishing number of letters, both personal and professional. The majority—about 140,000 documents—are from his years as commander in chief during the Revolutionary War, from 1775 to 1783. This Glorious Struggle presents a selection of Washington's most important and interesting letters from that time, including many that have never been published.Washington's lively and often surprisingly candid notes to his wife and family, friends, Congress, fellow soldiers—and even the enemy—chronicle his most critical tactical and strategic decisions, while offering a rare glimpse of the extremes of depression and exultation into which he was cast by the fortunes of war. The letters are arranged chronologically and give a dramatic sense of the major phases of the war, from Boston, Trenton, and Valley Forge, to Monmouth and Yorktown.

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Possibly best known for The Sound and the Fury, Faulkner is reviewed in this text as a writer of short stories. Examined are "A Rose for Emily," "Dry September," "That Evening Sun," and "Barn Burning."

This title also features a biography of William Faulkner, a user guide, a detailed thematic analysis of each short story, a list of characters in each story, a complete bibliography of Faulkner’s works, an index of themes and ideas, and editor’s notes and introduction by Harold Bloom.

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On July 21, 1861, two inexperienced armies of a divided nation clashed for the first time in Manassas, Virginia. As the 35,000-strong Union forces began their long-awaited campaign to capture Richmond, the public gathered to watch what they thought would be a colorful pageantry. Neither the citizens nor the soldiers could conceive of the long war that lay ahead. Culminating in a stalwart defensive fight by Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson's Virginia Brigade, the Battle of Bull Run marked the Confederacy's first victory. By the day's end, after ten hours of fierce fighting, soldiers on both sides were shocked by the violence and destruction they had encountered. As the Union army retreated they took with them any notion that the war's outcome would be decided quickly. This book vividly evokes the real-life experiences of the men on the battlefield in graphic novel format and includes eight additional pages of background information detailing the key players, the experience of the forces, and the aftermath of the battle.

About the Author
Larry Hama is best known as a writer and editor for Marvel Comics where he was responsible for creating and writing the G. I. Joe comic book of the 1980s, and developing many of the G.I. Joe characters for Hasbro. His other comic book writing credits include Wolverine, Avengers, Elektra, Venom, and Batman. Larry also created the Bucky O'Hare comic, which was turned into a toy line and an animated TV series. He lives in New York. The author lives in New York, USA.

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Martha Stewart Living Radio is delighted to give you some delicious recipes to help prepare the best mealfor your family and friends this holiday. These recipes cover all courses of the Thanksgiving meal,from savory turkey to fresh salads and creamy mashed potatoes to sweet desserts. The dishes come fromacclaimed chefs, such as Emeril Lagasse, Nigella Lawson, and Mario Batali.

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Spanning the history of the American West from the earliest human communities to the close of the 20th century, this unique volume chronicles the critical events in the social, cultural, and political history of the region.

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krzysiek83831

krzysiek83831 napisano 16.08.2015 22:58

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obrazek Zapraszam

pages72 napisano 18.07.2016 09:26

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arturkozi78 napisano 25.09.2016 20:14

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wagnerka9595

wagnerka9595 napisano 19.02.2017 15:43

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dark395

dark395 napisano 21.02.2017 03:17

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obrazek U Mnie same najlepsze screenmaty 2000-2005 roku I Deskmaty!!!!
halina21

halina21 napisano 12.08.2019 22:32

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Życzę miłego wieczoru i wspaniałych snów...Halina

SinyDym

SinyDym napisano 16.12.2019 17:27

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123obrazek
Z pewnych kontrowersyjnych powodów...
Wszystkie pliki na tej stronie zostały zamieszczone...
Użytkownik niniejszego konta nie ponosi odpowiedzialności...
USTAWA z dnia 4 lutego 1994 r. o prawie...
meyepas293

meyepas293 napisano 11.01.2023 03:11

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Super chomik
KevinPL9019

KevinPL9019 napisano 22.12.2024 15:10

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