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Kobieta M

widziany: 10.12.2022 15:19

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  • 25 maj 11 16:19
The volume serves as an important mile-stone in the process called "second track" dialogue and cooperation between Israeli and Palestinian academics on crucial shared problems, the resolution of which is vital to the peace process. The book contains forty-one original papers dealing with almost all aspects of the Middle-Eastern water problems, and should serve as a useful reference to students, scholars and policy makers all over the world interested in understanding the complexities of the Middle-Eastern water conflicts.

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The conflict between Israelis and Palestinians is one of the most enduring and complex in the modern world. But, why did the conflict break out? Who is demanding what, and why is peace so difficult to achieve? "The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict" tackles the subject and analyzes the conflict from its historical roots in the late nineteenth century to the present attempts at conflict resolution in the twenty-first century. Framing the debate and analysis around issues such as Zionism, Palestinian nationalism, international peace efforts, the refugees, state-building, democracy and religious opposition and highlighted by first hand quotes and sources of the conflict from its major participants, Beverley Milton-Edwards explores the deep impact of the conflict on regional politics in the Middle East and why the enmity between Palestinians and Israelis has become a number one global issue drawing in the world's most important global actors.An essential insight into the complexities of one of the world's most enduring conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, this textbook is designed to make a complex subject accessible to all. Key features include a chronology of events and annotated further reading at the end of each chapter. "The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict" is an ideal and authoritative introduction into aspects of politics in Israel, among the Palestinians - a vitally important issue for those studying the politics of the Middle East.

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The search for durable peace in lands torn by ethno-national conflict is among the most urgent issues of international politics. Looking closely at five flashpoints of regional crisis, Sumantra Bose asks the question upon which our global future may depend: how can peace be made, and kept, between warring groups with seemingly incompatible claims? Global in scope and implications but local in focus and method, Contested Lands critically examines the recent or current peace processes in Israel-Palestine, Kashmir, Bosnia, Cyprus, and Sri Lanka for an answer.

Israelis and Palestinians, Turkish and Greek Cypriots, Bosnia's Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, Sinhalese and Tamil Sri Lankans, and pro-independence, pro-Pakistan, and pro-India Kashmiris share homelands scarred by clashing aspirations and war. Bose explains why these lands became zones of zero-sum conflict and boldly tackles the question of how durable peace can be achieved. The cases yield important general insights about the benefits of territorial self-rule, cross-border linkages, regional cooperation, and third-party involvement, and the risks of a deliberately gradual ("incremental") strategy of peace-building.

Rich in narrative and incisive in analysis, this book takes us deep into the heartlands of conflict--Jerusalem, Kashmir's Line of Control, the divided cities of Mostar in Bosnia and Nicosia in Cyprus, Sri Lanka's Jaffna peninsula. Contested Lands illuminates how chronic confrontation can yield to compromise and coexistence in the world's most troubled regions--and what the United States can do to help.

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This volume examines the Anglo-Israeli relationship from early 1956 to the summer of 1958, against the wider background of the Cold War, rivalry of the superpowers and the upheavals in the Middle East. During this period the Anglo-Israeli relationship went through two major phases. The first one, from early 1956 to early 1957, was marked by growing tension in the Middle East when relations between Britain and Israel were at best cool and at times hostile. The second phase, from March 1957 to the summer/autumn of 1958, was characterized by the growing instability of pro-western states in the region and by an eventual breakthrough in Anglo-Israeli relations. Anglo-Israeli relations were overshadowed by Britain's interest in the Middle East, which were essentially to keep oil supply routes and communication with the Indian Ocean open. It was only the Iraqi coup d'etat in 1958 and the collapse of the Baghdad Pact, which paved the way for the change in Anglo-Israeli relations. This dramatic set of events, coupled with Israel's willingness to co-operate with the US and the British military rescue operation in Jordan, led to a less antagonistic and distrustful relationship resulting in a definite change in Whitehall's attitudes. This study aims to demonstrate that as far as Anglo-Israeli relations were concerned it was the upheavals after the Suez war and primarily the crisis during the summer of 1958 that led to an enhanced understanding between Britain and Israel.

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Explores the evolution of Palestinian identity and nationalism from the Crusades to the present, and the (pre-modern) strong sense of mission to guard the holy sites of Jerusalem for all of Islam.

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Winning a war does not always yield the results that the victori­ous narion had hoped for. As has already been observed by the German strategist Carl von Clausewirz, war is a direct descen­dant of diplomacy. If the political leaders of a nation are not up to the standards of its generals than there should be no surprise when the diplo­matic exploitarion of the fruits of victor)'are disappointing. Looking back thirty years later, it looks as if the Israeli leadership lost the initiative once the 1967 Six Day War was over.
June 1967" changed the Middle East completely. Within days Israel was transformed from a small island surrounded by an ocean of hostile Arabs into a local power. On 5 June 1967 the very existence of Israel was at stake. Its borders were long and almost impossible to defend.

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History of the turbulent region, concluding with an anticipation of an Israeli state.

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Winner of the 1989 National Book Award for nonfiction, this extraordinary bestseller is still the most incisive, thought-provoking book ever written about the Middle East. Thomas L. Friedman, twice winner of the Pulitzer Prize for international reporting, and now the Foreign Affairs columnist on the op-ed page of the New York Times, drew on his ten years in the Middle East to write a book that The Wall Street Journal called "a sparkling intellectual guidebook... an engrossing journey not to be missed."

"If you're only going to read one book on the Middle East, this is it." -- Seymour Hersh.

From Publishers Weekly
Friedman, who twice garnered the Pulitzer as a New York Times correspondent in Lebanon and Israel, further delineates the two countries in this provocative, absorbing memoir cum political and social analysis. A condensed, incisive history of the Middle East is proffered, as well as personal reflections on his 10-year sojourn: the issue of Friedman's Jewishness in Beirut, the fact that he was the Times 's first Jewish reporter in Israel, the bombing of his apartment in Beirut by the PLO, which took the lives of his Lebanese news assistant's children. A top-flight observer and interpreter, the author elucidates the complex religious factions obstructing Lebanese and Israeli politics; the agendas of various posturing, media-loving Arab and Israeli leaders; the perversity of daily life in "Wild West Beirut"; the wanton murder in Lebanon of U.S. marines and Palestinian refugees; America's fascination with Israel; the waning romance between Israeli and American Jews; and the Palestinian intifada.

From Library Journal
There have been any number of books that have worked hard at interpreting the melange called the Middle East. This one, however, makes a difference because it's so well written and captures the psychological mannerisms of the people of Lebanon and Israel--the first step to understanding some of the mysterious "why" that seems to elude the American public and government. Friedman's credentials are impressive: he spent six years of journalistic service for the New York Times in Beirut and Jerusalem, has won two Pulitzer prizes, and is now the Times 's chief diplomatic correspondent. His writing is vastly descriptive, incredibly illuminating, very educational, and marvelously persuasive. His advice to U.S. diplomats is that since "Middle East diplomacy is a contact sport," they must bargain as grocers, or, in other words, realize that everything has a price and the sale can always be made with enough hard work.

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Ruled by wave after wave of conquerors through the centuries, Palestine is a land that is synonymous to many people with one of the three great monotheistic religions of the world, but it has searched for decades for a stable identity as a nation-state. From the revolt against the Turks in World War I, the Balfour Declaration, the U.N. Partition and the Arab-Israeli War, to today's episodic riots, police actions, and seesaw summit meetings, Palestine has suffered almost every form of strife. The "Historical Dictionary of Palestine" is a handy, fact-filled guide that brings together in one place coverage of the individuals, events, factions, and institutions that have had a historical, political, or social significance in the shaping of the nascent Palestinian State.

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Emmy Award-winning journalist Robert Zelnick examines Israel's disengagement from Gaza and what it might lead to in the future. He details the thought behind the policy and the impact of the loss of Ariel Sharon, analyzes the Palestinian response from both moderates and Hamas, and underscores the politically realist-minded assumptions that continue to drive the policy forward.
Robert Zelnick, an Emmy Award-winning journalist, is a research fellow at the Hoover Institution and professor of national and international affairs at Boston University

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A balanced depiction, minutely detail[ing] the causes, preparation, strategies and actual battles of the 1973 Arab-Israeli War.

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Three battles for the control of the key fortress-city of Gaza took place in 1917 between the `British' force (with units from across the Empire, most notably the ANZACs) and the Turks. The Allies were repulsed twice but on their third attempt, under the newly-appointed General Allenby, a veteran of the Western Front where he was a vocal critic of Haig's command, finally penetrated Turkish lines, captured southern Palestine and, as instructed by Lloyd George, took Jerusalem in time for Christmas, ending 400 years of Ottoman occupation. This third battle, similar in many ways to the contemporaneous fighting in France, is at the heart of this account, with consideration of intelligence, espionage, air-warfare, and diplomatic and political elements, not to mention the logistical and medical aspects of the campaign, particularly water.

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With new talks in the Middle East Peace Process about to begin, the shadows of previous negotiations fall heavily across all involved. In this powerful and absorbing testimony, one of leading figures of the Oslo talks, former Prime Minister Ahmed Qurie (‘Abu Ala’) takes us behind closed doors and inside the negotiating rooms of Wye River, Stockholm and Camp David, where the terms of peace and a Palestinian state were sketched out, argued over, and eventually lost. Larger than life figures emerge from the minutes of these dramatic meetings-- released here for the first time. Qurie recounts both the Israelis’ intractability and the dynamic inside the Palestinian camp with candor and insight. This indispensable first-hand account provides a completely new perspective on the history, issues and personalities that will determine the future of the Middle East.

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Built upon an unprecedented amount of access to PLO archives, official publications, and the internal documents of various guerrilla groups, as well as over four hundred interviews conducted by the author with the rank-and-file of the PLO, this groundbreaking book affords a definitive account of the Palestinian National Movement. Covering thoroughly the forty-five years between the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 to the PLO-Israel accord of 1993, this study sheds much new light on the history of the Middle East in the latter half of the twentieth century.

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  • 25 maj 11 16:19
In the summer of 1982 Israel fought a war in southern Lebanon against the Palestine Liberation Organisation, and in eastern Lebanon against the PLO and its military allies, the Syrians. Initially called Operation 'Peace for Galilee', this conflict became one of the most momentous and most controversial of modern times. While it was simple enough in its causes, strategy, tactics and consequences, the fact that it took place in Lebanon made it appear confusing to people not familiar with the Byzantine politics of that unhappy country.
A small army of correspondents covered the war for the world's press, radio and television; but too often - for reasons which I give in this book - I believe that some of them succeeded only in compounding the confusion. This book is an attempt to clarify that war by describing the tensions which produced it, the campaign as a military event, and its regional and international consequences.
My sources are many and varied - Israeli, Syrian and PLO included - and I have leant heavily on my own close-up observation of several phases and aspects of the war. I know the region of combat well, in contrast to many reporters who were seeing it for the first time. I encountered at Tyre an American television crew who were making a film of what they told me was 'damage caused by shelling from Israeli warships'. In fact, the 'wrecked buildings' they were filming were early Roman ruins. A major aspect of the war was the media's ignorance about Lebanon, historically and currently. In Nabatiye, south-east Lebanon, my wife and I were in the company of a reporter from Illinois. As usual, the crowded streets of that Arab city were choked with cars and every driver, also as usual, was continually blasting his horn. 'My God!' said the wide-eyed Illinois man, 'this sure is a major political demonstration. What are they angry about?' 'They're not angry at all,' we told him. 'They always drive this way. It's normal.' Nevertheless, he proposed to report the din as a protest, against what or whom we never did find out.

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The Synagogue of Satan is the first book ever to document the secret history of the evil conspirators responsible for wars, revolutions, and financial debacles around the world. It is a virtual encyclopedia of fresh new information and facts unmasking the Jewish Illuminati elite and their sinister goals and hidden influence. Here is just a part of the secrets you will discover in this eye-opening 320 page book.

Summary: A Must Read...Explains History to Current Manipulation of ALL You Think You Know
Rating: 5

I have jewish blood on both sides and this book is fact filled, fast moving, book that should be mandatory reading in all schools and ALL homes by every person in the world, jew and gentile alike. I'm amazed,not by the whole truths throughout this great work, but that it got published considering that like almost all media today, publishing is almost a monopoly of the zionist bad guys mentioned in the book.
Just type in google, (if it still shows) white house staff dual citizenship and be amazed that most are Israeli/U.S. citizens, this has been true for at least the last several presidents. It's more than sad when the mere mention of the word Israel in any sentence gets one called anti semitic and if they get their bill through congress you and I will go to prison for "hate speech" on anything they choose, just like historians who dare to even question anything they find researching the holocaust. It may be too late already, but we must deny one group from taking away all of our rights as a so called free people. You can bet that those that don't want the truths in this book known will contact their groups to fill up the reviews with 1 star lies as they've already begun.

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Examines Israel's shift to the right at the hands of Menachem Begin, the supposed 'disciple' of Vladimir Jabotinsky. This book demonstrates how Israel drifted away from Jabotinsky's ideas towards a maximalist Zionism. This is an addition to the study of Israel's political history that will appeal to both Middle Eastern and military historians.

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